3 minutes

Dos equipos con distintos objetivos, pero que buscarán sumar los tres puntos como si se tratara una auténtica final.

Dos equipos con distintos objetivos, pero que buscarán sumar los tres puntos como si se tratara una auténtica final.
5 minutes
美方近期持續對伊朗施加軍事壓力,向中東集結兵力,局勢還在升級。法國外交部周五在其網站上發布消息稱,“鑒於伊朗的安全局勢及其潛在影響”,法國建議其公民不要前往“以色列、耶路撒冷和約旦河西岸地區,包括旅遊和探親”。周五晚間從伊斯坦布爾機場飛往德黑蘭的航班全部取消。
5 minutes
美方近期持續對伊朗施加軍事壓力,向中東集結兵力,局勢還在升級。法國外交部周五在其網站上發布消息稱,“鑒於伊朗的安全局勢及其潛在影響”,法國建議其公民不要前往“以色列、耶路撒冷和約旦河西岸地區,包括旅遊和探親”。周五晚間從伊斯坦布爾機場飛往德黑蘭的航班全部取消。
7 minutes
Numa época em que, em uma só esquina, podemos encontrar até três farmácias, ainda existirá espaço para quem oferece alívio ao sofrimento através de benzeduras? Após rodar cerca de 15 mil quilômetros pelas estradas do Rio Grande do Sul, o sempre repórter Carlos Wagner garante que sim. Mais do que isso: as benzedeiras – influenciadas […] Fonte
Numa época em que, em uma só esquina, podemos encontrar até três farmácias, ainda existirá espaço para quem oferece alívio ao sofrimento através de benzeduras? Após rodar cerca de 15 mil quilômetros pelas estradas do Rio Grande do Sul, o sempre repórter Carlos Wagner garante que sim. Mais do que isso: as benzedeiras – influenciadas […] Fonte
8 minutes
Uma mulher integrada à natureza. A ameaça de um abismo sempre ao lado. Um homem atormentado pela incompletude. Uma família devastada pela morte do filho e a imaginação como saída para o luto. Retalhos do filme baseado na vida de Shakespeare The post Hamnet: Criadores ou criaturas? appeared first on Outras Palavras.
8 minutes
Uma mulher integrada à natureza. A ameaça de um abismo sempre ao lado. Um homem atormentado pela incompletude. Uma família devastada pela morte do filho e a imaginação como saída para o luto. Retalhos do filme baseado na vida de Shakespeare The post Hamnet: Criadores ou criaturas? appeared first on Outras Palavras.
9 minutes

عندما يتحدث مارتن هايدغر عن نمط وجود جديد فهو لا يقصد تغيرًا في الطبيعة البيولوجية للإنسان، وإنما يشير إلى تحول عميق في الكيفية التي ينكشف فيها الوجود للإنسان، ويفهم عبرها ذاته والأشياء والزمان والمعنى. كل عصر تاريخي ينكشف فيه الوجود للإنسان بكيفية معيّنة، التقنية الحديثة ليست حيادية، بل طريقة مخصوصة يظهر بها العالم للإنسان. الوجود … ظهرت المقالة الوجود الخوارزمي بوصفه قطيعة أنطولوجية أولاً على التنويري.

عندما يتحدث مارتن هايدغر عن نمط وجود جديد فهو لا يقصد تغيرًا في الطبيعة البيولوجية للإنسان، وإنما يشير إلى تحول عميق في الكيفية التي ينكشف فيها الوجود للإنسان، ويفهم عبرها ذاته والأشياء والزمان والمعنى. كل عصر تاريخي ينكشف فيه الوجود للإنسان بكيفية معيّنة، التقنية الحديثة ليست حيادية، بل طريقة مخصوصة يظهر بها العالم للإنسان. الوجود … ظهرت المقالة الوجود الخوارزمي بوصفه قطيعة أنطولوجية أولاً على التنويري.
9 minutes
加拿大總理馬克·卡尼於周五開始訪問印度,他希望此行能使加印貿易額翻一番,並緩解與美國日益惡化的關係。卡尼將於周一在新德里與印度總理納倫德拉·莫迪會晤,他的目標是到2030年將加印貿易額提高一倍以上,達到700億加元(約合430億歐元)。
9 minutes
加拿大總理馬克·卡尼於周五開始訪問印度,他希望此行能使加印貿易額翻一番,並緩解與美國日益惡化的關係。卡尼將於周一在新德里與印度總理納倫德拉·莫迪會晤,他的目標是到2030年將加印貿易額提高一倍以上,達到700億加元(約合430億歐元)。
10 minutes
Senators parked a measure that would have significantly rolled back homeschooling regulations in West Virginia, including removing the requirement that parents or guardians show that their children are learning math and reading. They were expected to consider amendments to the bill — Senate Bill 966 — on Friday, but the Senate Rules Committee moved the […]
10 minutes
Senators parked a measure that would have significantly rolled back homeschooling regulations in West Virginia, including removing the requirement that parents or guardians show that their children are learning math and reading. They were expected to consider amendments to the bill — Senate Bill 966 — on Friday, but the Senate Rules Committee moved the […]
10 minutes

The state’s attorney general and a group of conservation activists shared calls to action on Friday after DTE Energy issued another rate increase request, filed earlier this week with the Michigan Public Service Commission. A copy of the company’s filing, which is available on the commission’s rate case database, shows that DTE intends to file […]

10 minutes
The state’s attorney general and a group of conservation activists shared calls to action on Friday after DTE Energy issued another rate increase request, filed earlier this week with the Michigan Public Service Commission. A copy of the company’s filing, which is available on the commission’s rate case database, shows that DTE intends to file […]
14 minutes
聯合國秘書長安東尼奧·古特雷斯(Antonio Guterres)周五呼籲阿富汗和巴基斯坦之間“立即停止敵對行動”。此前阿富汗在邊境發動攻勢,巴基斯坦已向其鄰國宣戰。
14 minutes
聯合國秘書長安東尼奧·古特雷斯(Antonio Guterres)周五呼籲阿富汗和巴基斯坦之間“立即停止敵對行動”。此前阿富汗在邊境發動攻勢,巴基斯坦已向其鄰國宣戰。
17 minutes
Em delírios de vida eterna, super-ricos criam zonas de exceção em países do Sul global. Lá, produzem experiências de “melhoramento” biogenético Enclave em Honduras é emblemático: longe dos Estados e sob o despotismo de corporações The post Prospera, bunker do apartheid biológico appeared first on Outras Palavras.
17 minutes
Em delírios de vida eterna, super-ricos criam zonas de exceção em países do Sul global. Lá, produzem experiências de “melhoramento” biogenético Enclave em Honduras é emblemático: longe dos Estados e sob o despotismo de corporações The post Prospera, bunker do apartheid biológico appeared first on Outras Palavras.
18 minutes
沙特阿拉伯和卡塔爾正在加緊外交努力,以結束巴基斯坦和阿富汗之間致命的衝突。周五,巴基斯坦轟炸了包括首都喀布爾在內的幾個阿富汗主要城市。此前一天,阿富汗軍隊在其邊境發動攻勢,巴基斯坦政府隨即宣布對塔利班“公開宣戰”。
18 minutes
沙特阿拉伯和卡塔爾正在加緊外交努力,以結束巴基斯坦和阿富汗之間致命的衝突。周五,巴基斯坦轟炸了包括首都喀布爾在內的幾個阿富汗主要城市。此前一天,阿富汗軍隊在其邊境發動攻勢,巴基斯坦政府隨即宣布對塔利班“公開宣戰”。
18 minutes
Passeio pela história de uma civilização milenar e um país rebelde, que derrotou impérios. As revoluções. A nacionalização do petróleo, para ira do Ocidente. O poder e a intolerância do clero. Um desafio: se Trump quiser guerra, não será fácil The post Para enxergar o Irã sem os filtros da mídia appeared first on Outras Palavras.
Passeio pela história de uma civilização milenar e um país rebelde, que derrotou impérios. As revoluções. A nacionalização do petróleo, para ira do Ocidente. O poder e a intolerância do clero. Um desafio: se Trump quiser guerra, não será fácil The post Para enxergar o Irã sem os filtros da mídia appeared first on Outras Palavras.
19 minutes
استفاده حکومت ایران از مراکز آموزشی به عنوان سپر انسانی
استفاده حکومت ایران از مراکز آموزشی به عنوان سپر انسانی
19 minutes
A execução de uma política pública voltada à agricultura familiar e camponesa mobilizou centenas de pessoas no Assentamento Meia Água, em Hulha Negra, no sul do estado, nesta quinta-feira (26). O Seminário de Encerramento do Ater Bem Viver Pampa reuniu famílias camponesas, técnicos, cooperativas, movimentos sociais e representantes do governo federal para apresentar resultados, avaliar […] Fonte
19 minutes
A execução de uma política pública voltada à agricultura familiar e camponesa mobilizou centenas de pessoas no Assentamento Meia Água, em Hulha Negra, no sul do estado, nesta quinta-feira (26). O Seminário de Encerramento do Ater Bem Viver Pampa reuniu famílias camponesas, técnicos, cooperativas, movimentos sociais e representantes do governo federal para apresentar resultados, avaliar […] Fonte
19 minutes
This story was originally published by The Trace, a nonprofit newsroom covering gun violence in America. Sign up for its newsletters here. Earlier this month, a 7-year-old boy accidentally shot himself with a firearm he brought to his second grade classroom in Maryland. During a single week last month, three separate K-12 students at different New York City schools were caught with a firearm on campus. Over the past decade, fear of school shootings has grown among American teachers, parents, and students. Nearly 75% of U.S. teenagers worry about school gun violence, according to a national survey administered by public health researchers at Indiana University. Despite mounting anxiety about school shootings, the task of tracking the number of guns in U.S. public schools is about to get even harder. Shortly after returning to office last year, President Donald Trump’s administration gutted the Department of Education office responsible for collecting and analyzing most school-related data. The National Center for Education Statistics was reduced to just five employees as of March 2025. Those cuts now jeopardize the future of already shaky statistics about the number of K-12 students caught with firearms on campus. In lieu of accurate, timely federal data, The Trace used past NCES reports, Gun Violence Archive data, and public health research to try to understand how guns end up in American schools. We learned that students are more likely to bring guns to school when they are exposed to violence and have easy access to firearms. We also found fewer U.S. public schools had armed law enforcement officers during the 2021–22 school year compared to previous years, signaling a possible shift away from armed guards as a school safety measure. Mostly, we learned that public health researchers cannot effectively study school safety without robust federal data on guns in schools. Fear often drives students to bring guns to school Despite the lack of quality information, available data and research offer clues about why some students bring guns to school, and why school officials have struggled to respond. For many students, carrying a gun is seen as a necessary form of self-defense in a violent world. A 2022 study of high schoolers by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention found that youth who are exposed to violence are more likely to carry a gun. “If kids are exposed to forms of violence in their neighborhoods or homes, they become more fearful,” said Joshua Rosenbaum, a criminal justice researcher at the University of Mississippi. “Fearful individuals, including kids, often feel like they need to protect themselves by keeping a firearm on them.” The NCES data shows the nationwide rate of children bringing firearms to school spiked during the 2021-22 school year, the most recent year for which data is available. During that time, the U.S. gun violence epidemic hit a crescendo: Gun deaths reached near-record highs as communities across the country struggled to address gun homicides and suicides amid the COVID-19 pandemic. A Trace analysis of Gun Violence Archive data found that the rate of kids caught with firearms in school returned to pre-pandemic levels as overall U.S. gun violence decreased in 2024 and 2025. Rosenbaum also told The Trace that children who have easy access to a firearm at home are significantly more likely to carry “a gun to school compared to their classmates who did not have guns available to them.” In 2019, the U.S. Secret Service published an analysis of 41 school violence incidents that took place between 2008 and 2017. The agency found that most of the young “attackers” used a gun that was accessible to “from the home of their parents or another close relative.” NCES data suggests that school officials’ strategy for dealing with campus gun violence may have evolved in recent years. After the Columbine High School shooting in 1990, the Department of Justice established a grant program to expand the hiring and training of “school resource officers” — law enforcement officials stationed on public school campuses. For decades, the presence of these armed officers was viewed as a possible deterrent for school shooters. But armed school security may not be as popular as it was in the past. During the 2021-22 school year, just one quarter of U.S. public schools were staffed with a law enforcement officer that routinely carried a firearm on school grounds, down 26% from the previous school year. This shift in school officials’ approach to gun safety coincided with a growing body of public health research finding limited evidence that armed guards can prevent school gun violence. It’s important to remember the limitations of NCES reporting. The agency’s data on armed school personnel relies on the School Survey on Crime and Safety. Participation in the survey is voluntary, meaning the results likely depict an incomplete picture of public schools’ use of armed guards. And in more recent years, some school districts have brought back armed officers after violent incidents. Researchers trying to patch a fragmented data landscape Research on guns in schools relies heavily on the National Center for Education Statistics, the data wing of the Department of Education. Under the Gun-Free Schools Act of 1994, schools must submit statistics about firearms on campus to their state education officials, who then share that information with the NCES. The data collection system is deeply flawed. A 2018 Stateline investigation found that school and state officials routinely failed to track deadly school shootings in Arizona and Colorado. Journalists from Stateline, part of the national nonprofit news outlet States Newsroom, found that state education officials who collect firearm statistics from districts “don’t enforce the reporting requirements,” leading to undercounting. NCES data also suffers from significant time lags, a common problem with federal datasets. The agency’s latest report was published in 2024, but even then the most recent school year included was 2021-22. The data landscape worsened in 2025, when the Trump administration fired most of the NCES staff, part of a broader dismantling of the Department of Education. Data from Gun Violence Archive, a nonprofit that tracks gun violence incidents using open source research, offers a potential solution. The GVA tracker includes flags for incidents at schools, but unless the event is logged by local media or law enforcement — the organization’s primary sources — it likely won’t be included. Rural areas are especially susceptible to this undercounting. Because of these limitations, researchers have turned elsewhere. Public health scholars like the University of Michigan’s Rebeccah Sokol have been forced to build their own data tools to track the incidence of guns in K-12 schools. In 2017, Sokol and her colleagues established the FACTS National Survey, a nationally representative study that asks teenagers directly about firearm access, carrying, and exposure to violence. The approach has built-in drawbacks: It relies on teens’ self-reported behavior and is conducted in onetime survey waves, meaning it can miss rapid changes and cannot provide real-time, local detail. Still, tools like the FACTS survey offer a stopgap in a research landscape where the federal government has largely failed to systematically track how and why guns end up in the hands of children. “If we received timely, accurate data on where and when students are bringing firearms to school,” Sokol told The Trace, “we could use that data to develop better strategies to prevent dangerous situations from happening.”
This story was originally published by The Trace, a nonprofit newsroom covering gun violence in America. Sign up for its newsletters here. Earlier this month, a 7-year-old boy accidentally shot himself with a firearm he brought to his second grade classroom in Maryland. During a single week last month, three separate K-12 students at different New York City schools were caught with a firearm on campus. Over the past decade, fear of school shootings has grown among American teachers, parents, and students. Nearly 75% of U.S. teenagers worry about school gun violence, according to a national survey administered by public health researchers at Indiana University. Despite mounting anxiety about school shootings, the task of tracking the number of guns in U.S. public schools is about to get even harder. Shortly after returning to office last year, President Donald Trump’s administration gutted the Department of Education office responsible for collecting and analyzing most school-related data. The National Center for Education Statistics was reduced to just five employees as of March 2025. Those cuts now jeopardize the future of already shaky statistics about the number of K-12 students caught with firearms on campus. In lieu of accurate, timely federal data, The Trace used past NCES reports, Gun Violence Archive data, and public health research to try to understand how guns end up in American schools. We learned that students are more likely to bring guns to school when they are exposed to violence and have easy access to firearms. We also found fewer U.S. public schools had armed law enforcement officers during the 2021–22 school year compared to previous years, signaling a possible shift away from armed guards as a school safety measure. Mostly, we learned that public health researchers cannot effectively study school safety without robust federal data on guns in schools. Fear often drives students to bring guns to school Despite the lack of quality information, available data and research offer clues about why some students bring guns to school, and why school officials have struggled to respond. For many students, carrying a gun is seen as a necessary form of self-defense in a violent world. A 2022 study of high schoolers by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention found that youth who are exposed to violence are more likely to carry a gun. “If kids are exposed to forms of violence in their neighborhoods or homes, they become more fearful,” said Joshua Rosenbaum, a criminal justice researcher at the University of Mississippi. “Fearful individuals, including kids, often feel like they need to protect themselves by keeping a firearm on them.” The NCES data shows the nationwide rate of children bringing firearms to school spiked during the 2021-22 school year, the most recent year for which data is available. During that time, the U.S. gun violence epidemic hit a crescendo: Gun deaths reached near-record highs as communities across the country struggled to address gun homicides and suicides amid the COVID-19 pandemic. A Trace analysis of Gun Violence Archive data found that the rate of kids caught with firearms in school returned to pre-pandemic levels as overall U.S. gun violence decreased in 2024 and 2025. Rosenbaum also told The Trace that children who have easy access to a firearm at home are significantly more likely to carry “a gun to school compared to their classmates who did not have guns available to them.” In 2019, the U.S. Secret Service published an analysis of 41 school violence incidents that took place between 2008 and 2017. The agency found that most of the young “attackers” used a gun that was accessible to “from the home of their parents or another close relative.” NCES data suggests that school officials’ strategy for dealing with campus gun violence may have evolved in recent years. After the Columbine High School shooting in 1990, the Department of Justice established a grant program to expand the hiring and training of “school resource officers” — law enforcement officials stationed on public school campuses. For decades, the presence of these armed officers was viewed as a possible deterrent for school shooters. But armed school security may not be as popular as it was in the past. During the 2021-22 school year, just one quarter of U.S. public schools were staffed with a law enforcement officer that routinely carried a firearm on school grounds, down 26% from the previous school year. This shift in school officials’ approach to gun safety coincided with a growing body of public health research finding limited evidence that armed guards can prevent school gun violence. It’s important to remember the limitations of NCES reporting. The agency’s data on armed school personnel relies on the School Survey on Crime and Safety. Participation in the survey is voluntary, meaning the results likely depict an incomplete picture of public schools’ use of armed guards. And in more recent years, some school districts have brought back armed officers after violent incidents. Researchers trying to patch a fragmented data landscape Research on guns in schools relies heavily on the National Center for Education Statistics, the data wing of the Department of Education. Under the Gun-Free Schools Act of 1994, schools must submit statistics about firearms on campus to their state education officials, who then share that information with the NCES. The data collection system is deeply flawed. A 2018 Stateline investigation found that school and state officials routinely failed to track deadly school shootings in Arizona and Colorado. Journalists from Stateline, part of the national nonprofit news outlet States Newsroom, found that state education officials who collect firearm statistics from districts “don’t enforce the reporting requirements,” leading to undercounting. NCES data also suffers from significant time lags, a common problem with federal datasets. The agency’s latest report was published in 2024, but even then the most recent school year included was 2021-22. The data landscape worsened in 2025, when the Trump administration fired most of the NCES staff, part of a broader dismantling of the Department of Education. Data from Gun Violence Archive, a nonprofit that tracks gun violence incidents using open source research, offers a potential solution. The GVA tracker includes flags for incidents at schools, but unless the event is logged by local media or law enforcement — the organization’s primary sources — it likely won’t be included. Rural areas are especially susceptible to this undercounting. Because of these limitations, researchers have turned elsewhere. Public health scholars like the University of Michigan’s Rebeccah Sokol have been forced to build their own data tools to track the incidence of guns in K-12 schools. In 2017, Sokol and her colleagues established the FACTS National Survey, a nationally representative study that asks teenagers directly about firearm access, carrying, and exposure to violence. The approach has built-in drawbacks: It relies on teens’ self-reported behavior and is conducted in onetime survey waves, meaning it can miss rapid changes and cannot provide real-time, local detail. Still, tools like the FACTS survey offer a stopgap in a research landscape where the federal government has largely failed to systematically track how and why guns end up in the hands of children. “If we received timely, accurate data on where and when students are bringing firearms to school,” Sokol told The Trace, “we could use that data to develop better strategies to prevent dangerous situations from happening.”
20 minutes
Президент США Дональд Трамп заявил, что правительство Кубы ведет переговоры с Соединенными Штатами из-за проблем, которые испытывает страна. По его словам, госсекретарь Марко Рубио занимается этим вопросом на «очень высоком уровне», пишет Reuters 27 февраля.
Президент США Дональд Трамп заявил, что правительство Кубы ведет переговоры с Соединенными Штатами из-за проблем, которые испытывает страна. По его словам, госсекретарь Марко Рубио занимается этим вопросом на «очень высоком уровне», пишет Reuters 27 февраля.
20 minutes
在國會委員會就其與傑弗里·愛潑斯坦的關係進行質詢時,美國前總統比爾·克林頓(Bill Clinton)周五在閉門聽證會上表示,在他與愛波斯坦相處的這段時間裡,他“沒有看到任何令他感到不安的事情”。克林頓在事先準備好的發言稿中告訴眾議院監督委員會,如果他知道愛潑斯坦的犯罪活動,他絕不會登上愛潑斯坦的私人飛機。
20 minutes
在國會委員會就其與傑弗里·愛潑斯坦的關係進行質詢時,美國前總統比爾·克林頓(Bill Clinton)周五在閉門聽證會上表示,在他與愛波斯坦相處的這段時間裡,他“沒有看到任何令他感到不安的事情”。克林頓在事先準備好的發言稿中告訴眾議院監督委員會,如果他知道愛潑斯坦的犯罪活動,他絕不會登上愛潑斯坦的私人飛機。
23 minutes
以色列最高法院周五暫緩了外國人道主義非政府組織的行動。這些非政府組織此前因拒絕遵守以色列政府要求其留在加沙地帶和被佔領的約旦河西岸而面臨本周末被驅逐的威脅。
23 minutes
以色列最高法院周五暫緩了外國人道主義非政府組織的行動。這些非政府組織此前因拒絕遵守以色列政府要求其留在加沙地帶和被佔領的約旦河西岸而面臨本周末被驅逐的威脅。
23 minutes

The Judiciary Committee debated the question of whether a pardon granted by BOPP is considered sufficient evidence to prove innocence. The post Judiciary Committee challenges Claims Commissioner on pardons and costs appeared first on Inside Investigator.

The Judiciary Committee debated the question of whether a pardon granted by BOPP is considered sufficient evidence to prove innocence. The post Judiciary Committee challenges Claims Commissioner on pardons and costs appeared first on Inside Investigator.
23 minutes
از درگیری نظامی پاکستان و حکومت طالبان چه میدانیم؟ میر عبدالقدیر مشرف توضیح میدهد
از درگیری نظامی پاکستان و حکومت طالبان چه میدانیم؟ میر عبدالقدیر مشرف توضیح میدهد