A escalada de ataques no Oriente Médio fez os preços do gás e do petróleo dispararem no início desta semana, reacendendo temores de uma nova recessão econômica mundial. Para especialistas ouvidos pela RFI, embora o cenário seja preocupante, sua evolução dependerá da duração dos bloqueios das principais fontes de suprimento de petróleo e gás. Eles destacam que o mercado dispõe de mecanismos capazes de mitigar os efeitos da crise e que países como o Brasil podem até se beneficiar da conjuntura.

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Radio France Internationale
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A escalada de ataques no Oriente Médio fez os preços do gás e do petróleo dispararem no início desta semana, reacendendo temores de uma nova recessão econômica mundial. Para especialistas ouvidos pela RFI, embora o cenário seja preocupante, sua evolução dependerá da duração dos bloqueios das principais fontes de suprimento de petróleo e gás. Eles destacam que o mercado dispõe de mecanismos capazes de mitigar os efeitos da crise e que países como o Brasil podem até se beneficiar da conjuntura.

Antes de qualquer política pública, antes dos compromissos climáticos firmados pelo Brasil em fóruns internacionais, antes mesmo de se falar em Plano Nacional de Restauração, havia mulheres no Cerrado guardando sementes. No Cerrado, elas conhecem o tempo da florada, o ponto da coleta, o momento exato da secagem, o cuidado no beneficiamento e o silêncio […] Fonte

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Brasil de Fato
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Antes de qualquer política pública, antes dos compromissos climáticos firmados pelo Brasil em fóruns internacionais, antes mesmo de se falar em Plano Nacional de Restauração, havia mulheres no Cerrado guardando sementes. No Cerrado, elas conhecem o tempo da florada, o ponto da coleta, o momento exato da secagem, o cuidado no beneficiamento e o silêncio […] Fonte

Los árboles urbanos no son simples elementos paisajísticos: son auténticos depósitos de carbono, que pueden compensar las emisiones de CO₂ generadas por las actividades humanas.

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Global Voices
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Los árboles urbanos no son simples elementos paisajísticos: son auténticos depósitos de carbono, que pueden compensar las emisiones de CO₂ generadas por las actividades humanas.

This could be the year that Silicon Valley, which has reshaped California’s culture and economy, also reshapes its politics.

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Times of San Diego
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This could be the year that Silicon Valley, which has reshaped California’s culture and economy, also reshapes its politics.

O ministro das Relações Exteriores da Rússia, Serguei Lavrov, declarou nesta terça-feira (3) que o desejo dos Estados Unidos de controlar outros países não se limitará à Venezuela, Irã e Cuba. A fala foi durante uma coletiva de imprensa conjunta com o segundo ministro das Relações Exteriores de Brunei, Erivan Yusof. O chanceler russo chamou […] Fonte

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Brasil de Fato
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O ministro das Relações Exteriores da Rússia, Serguei Lavrov, declarou nesta terça-feira (3) que o desejo dos Estados Unidos de controlar outros países não se limitará à Venezuela, Irã e Cuba. A fala foi durante uma coletiva de imprensa conjunta com o segundo ministro das Relações Exteriores de Brunei, Erivan Yusof. O chanceler russo chamou […] Fonte

El combustible supone más del 30% de los costes del transporte por carretera y un camión internacional puede consumir hasta 4.000 litros al mes. Ante la tensión en Oriente Próximo y la volatilidad del crudo, el sector pide al Gobierno un plan listo para activarse si el diésel se dispara.

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Mundiario
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El combustible supone más del 30% de los costes del transporte por carretera y un camión internacional puede consumir hasta 4.000 litros al mes. Ante la tensión en Oriente Próximo y la volatilidad del crudo, el sector pide al Gobierno un plan listo para activarse si el diésel se dispara.

دیمەنی ڕۆژئاوای شاری تاران دوای بە ئامانجگرتنی عەمبارێکی سووتەمەنی سوپای پاسداران لە چوارچێوەی ئۆپەراسیۆنە لەشکرییە هاوبەشەکانی ئەمەریکا و ئیسرائیل.

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ده‌نگی ئه‌مه‌ریکا
Public Domain

دیمەنی ڕۆژئاوای شاری تاران دوای بە ئامانجگرتنی عەمبارێکی سووتەمەنی سوپای پاسداران لە چوارچێوەی ئۆپەراسیۆنە لەشکرییە هاوبەشەکانی ئەمەریکا و ئیسرائیل.

Txertoen trazabilitate osoa ezarri nahi dute urtebetean. Iaz 266 txerto iraungi jarri ziren, eta 106 gehiago jakinarazi dituzte, 2017, 2023 eta 2024 urteetakoak.

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Berria
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Txertoen trazabilitate osoa ezarri nahi dute urtebetean. Iaz 266 txerto iraungi jarri ziren, eta 106 gehiago jakinarazi dituzte, 2017, 2023 eta 2024 urteetakoak.

ویدیویی منتشر شده که لحظات چند انفجار در جریان اقدام نظامی آمریکا و اسرائیل علیه جمهوری اسلامی به مناطقی در غرب تهران را نشان می‌دهد.

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ویدیویی منتشر شده که لحظات چند انفجار در جریان اقدام نظامی آمریکا و اسرائیل علیه جمهوری اسلامی به مناطقی در غرب تهران را نشان می‌دهد.

Sign up for Chalkbeat’s free weekly newsletter to keep up with how education is changing across the U.S. Roxanne Martinez moved back to her neighborhood in Fort Worth so her kids could attend the same schools she did. The mother of two was on the booster club. And on a walk one day with students to a polling location — she’s always encouraged civic involvement — one asked her why she hadn’t run for school board. That question sparked a campaign, and she was elected in 2021. But the board seat Martinez won in the Fort Worth Independent School District may not come with any power for very much longer. Texas education officials announced in October that they would take control of the district and replace locally elected board members with a board hand-picked by the state, a move triggered by the academic failures at a school that has since closed. “I take parent calls almost every night, almost every day, and so to lose that local voice, removing the voice of my constituents, of our voters, is just deeply concerning to me,” she said. State takeovers are having a moment. For decades, state officials have taken over school districts, citing academic and financial calamity. In some cases, the calamity was real: School districts were bankrupt. Very small fractions of students read at grade level. But while those reasons are still the most commonly cited, officials’ rhetoric to justify the tactic has become more overtly political as the country’s political divides have deepened, according to those who study the phenomenon. In Texas, the state has seized control over seven school districts since 2023, four of those announced in the past six months. Nationwide, Chalkbeat tracked at least 21 new school district takeovers in the past three years, with additional takeovers threatened. These come after what some experts said was a lull in the practice. This year already, Texas’ schools chief threatened districts with takeovers over anti-ICE protests, while Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis took a swipe at unions while suggesting a state receiver should be in control of Broward County Public Schools. “At this point, states don’t really care about having to justify this action,” said Domingo Morel, a professor at New York University. “Back in the 1980s, 1990s, early 2000s, states really went out of their way to make it look like they really wanted to come in to improve the district.” Conservative governors and education commissioners have said they’re taking a hard line on academics, targeting entire districts over a few schools, or progress they say is not fast enough. Some argue that outside intervention is the only way to break up entrenched political interests that stagnate learning. Researchers also say the revival of takeovers in some states may reflect alarm over flagging academic achievement and financial distress in COVID’s wake. “People are really concerned, especially post-pandemic, about student achievement,” said Josh Bleiberg, an education professor at the University of Pittsburgh. “I do think there’s an emergency mindset aspect of here like, ‘well, we’ve got to do something.’” There are examples of takeovers that produced sustained improvements in student outcomes, but they are the minority, according to research. More often, research shows the loss of control disproportionately affects communities of color in exchange for meager and short-term gains in academic achievement. Some welcome change in the Fort Worth district, where students lag behind their peers on national assessments. For others, like Martinez, the takeover is a flex of Republican political power over a district in a politically mixed county, and in a school district that primarily serves Hispanic and Black students. To them, the entity that will come out ahead could be the state’s new private school choice program, not public schools. And for a third set — people like Ale Checka, a longtime teacher in Fort Worth — two things can be true. Yes, Fort Worth’s schools deserved to be taken over, Checka said. But that doesn’t mean she likes it: “God, I wish we could get taken over by literally anybody else.” State takeovers gaining momentum in Republican-led states States run by Democrats have also initiated takeovers in the past three years, in several instances for financial reasons. But Republican-led states are leading the charge on recent takeovers, although the strategy looks different from state to state. In Tennessee, Republican lawmakers want to install a state-appointed oversight board in Memphis-Shelby County Schools, the largest school district in the state, to assume authority of schools in a majority Democratic county. A Memphis-Shelby County Schools school board meeting. Tennessee Republicans argue a state-appointed oversight board could better turn around lagging academic achievement than the current school board. Opponents of the GOP plan say Memphis schools are not only improving, they’re exceeding state expectations for growth in reading and math on state assessments. Mississippi has taken over two school districts in the past year, after a lull since 2021. The state has had broader authority since 2024, when lawmakers removed a requirement for the governor to first declare a state of emergency in a school district to initiate a takeover. GOP leaders in Nevada and New Hampshire are pushing takeovers for more state control over local districts. Not all recent state interventions in local school districts amount to a direct takeover. Indiana GOP lawmakers have mandated a new oversight board for Indianapolis Public Schools, but the board’s members would be picked by the mayor, who’s currently a Democrat. Committee and community members gather after the Indianapolis Public Schools board meeting on Tuesday, Jan. 7, 2025. But the state that’s arguably become the clearest blueprint for the current crop of takeovers is Texas. In Texas, just one school in a district can trigger state intervention for that district. In Houston, the trigger was Wheatley High School where more than 90% of Wheatley’s students are Latino or Black and many are from low-income backgrounds. Wheatley was deemed unacceptable in the state’s rating system for seven straight school years, which state schools chief Mike Morath cited in 2023 as one reason the state was taking over, along with languishing achievement in other Houston schools, which educate about 180,000 students and constitute the state’s largest district. In 2023, Morath told the Houston Landing that state intervention was necessary in part because the district had allowed chronic low achievement in multiple schools for far too long. “Parents, teachers have high expectations for kids,” Morath said at the time. “It’s important for me to maintain high expectations for school boards. So this is ultimately about an intervention action for the school board.” (The Texas Education Agency did not respond to requests for an interview with Morath for this story.) State officials put Mike Miles — a longtime lightning rod in education — in charge of Houston as superintendent and replaced the elected board with an appointed one. Miles, the former Dallas superintendent who also founded a charter school network, made school hours longer, cut jobs in the district’s central office, implemented new curriculum in struggling schools, and put more pressure on school principals to deliver results. The results have been a mixed bag. Houston now has fewer struggling schools, under Texas’ school rating system. But the number of students enrolled has declined by 13,000 since the takeover, an acceleration of earlier enrollment decline. And the share of teachers remaining on their campuses between school years fell from 70% before the takeover to 58.6% from the 2023-2024 and 2024-2025 school years, according to research from the University of Houston. Still, Houston has produced enticing results. “People from all over the country, including Alaska, are calling us to ask how we’re doing this,” Miles told The 74 last year, touting the district’s academic gains. “Boldness is what’s called for, and people are starting to have some hope that big turnarounds can be done.” Republicans in Tennessee have pointed to Houston as a model for a state takeover of Memphis’ district, critical of flagging academics and school board dysfunction. Parents and teachers in Fort Worth, a district of roughly 70,000 students and the 10th-largest in the state, have eyed the changes in Houston closely. Two in 3 students in Fort Worth can’t read on grade level, according to the Fort Worth Report. Two middle schools have failed in the state rating system for four consecutive years, just shy of the state intervention threshold. Trenace Dorsey-Hollins is a Fort Worth mother of two and founder of Parent Shield, a grassroots group pushing the message that Fort Worth’s kids deserve a high-quality education. Despite the political undertones of the takeover in Houston, the new management is “changing the trajectory for a lot of kids” there, she said, and Fort Worth is in need of some “true momentum.” The truth is, many schools across Texas are failing, and they’ve been failing kids for a long time, she said. Checka acknowledged that Fort Worth is in a literacy crisis that warrants outside intervention, she said. But she’s watched Houston eliminate school librarian positions with horror. “The moves that the state is making are not moves that are for literacy,” Checka said. While Houston has improved reading scores, educators have been critical of district-prescribed instruction that doesn’t emphasize reading books cover-to-cover. Martinez, the board member, notes that the district already adopted higher-quality instructional materials and added teacher training. Just this month, the district shared data showing growth on reading assessments. “If the state had some magic bullet that was going to just come in and significantly improve schools, one: why haven’t they already shared it?” she asked. “Two: why are they not partnering with us?” Political rhetoric around school district takeovers has changed As students walked out earlier this year to protest federal immigration policy, Texas Education Agency officials warned that schools could face state control if student protests continued. Republican Gov. Greg Abbott called for investigations into multiple districts, implying that protests were taking kids away from academics. Texas hasn’t initiated any takeovers since Abbott’s comments. But the state did place the Austin district under investigation. Austin was already under financial stress, and several middle schools are one failing grade away from triggering intervention. Morel, who studies state takeovers, said he believed the country would witness a decline in the practice nearly a decade ago. Yet Houston marked an “outright political power play on the part of the state,” given that the state used a single school’s shortcomings as the reason for intervention, even when the district itself was not failing in the state’s rating system. “You can anticipate that if this type of trajectory continues, that it’s really not about improving schools, that it’s about undermining the political power of these communities,” he said. There’s inherent political friction in a takeover, said Johnny Key, a former Republican Arkansas schools chief who oversaw the state intervention in the Little Rock School District from 2015 to 2021. Key acknowledges the takeover wasn’t a “smashing success” but said it stabilized leadership and helped the district plan for the end of desegregation aid, a major funding source. Key said any takeover is inherently political, because the state is claiming responsibility for something typically controlled locally. But that doesn’t mean takeovers aren’t necessary, or that state officials are simply dismissing communities. “To paint state takeover with any type of broad brush ignores the nuance and the differences in the communities that are affected,” he said. But ultimately state takeovers must be sensitive to politics and get support from key groups, including teachers, to ensure changes can endure, said Ashley Jochim, a political scientist with the Center on Reinventing Public Education. “You go in and do a bunch of stuff that’s super controversial, even if it benefits kids, if it doesn’t have political support, it’s not going to be sustained over time,” she said. Recent controversy over Texas education policy isn’t confined to state takeovers. In conversations about the pending Fort Worth takeover, Martinez and others raised Texas’ school voucher program that Abbott signed into law in 2025. There’s no evidence to suggest Texas is somehow using state intervention as a way to promote vouchers. But critics like Martinez are skeptical of a government touting a voucher program that comes with little accountability for achievement, while also claiming it’s trying to raise achievement for already-stretched public schools. “The reasoning behind the strong interventions has less to do about student outcomes and more about shifting of power,” Martinez said. For Checka, the state’s motivation for taking over Fort Worth Schools matters. The idea that students will learn more every day is what gets her up in the morning. She wishes she felt confident Texas officials had the same motivations. “The things that are important to me are my students being able to read and write … my students being able to access opportunities after high school and go to college,” she said. “It is just not important to them.” Lily Altavena is a national reporter at Chalkbeat. Contact Lily at laltavena@chalkbeat.org.

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Chalkbeat
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Sign up for Chalkbeat’s free weekly newsletter to keep up with how education is changing across the U.S. Roxanne Martinez moved back to her neighborhood in Fort Worth so her kids could attend the same schools she did. The mother of two was on the booster club. And on a walk one day with students to a polling location — she’s always encouraged civic involvement — one asked her why she hadn’t run for school board. That question sparked a campaign, and she was elected in 2021. But the board seat Martinez won in the Fort Worth Independent School District may not come with any power for very much longer. Texas education officials announced in October that they would take control of the district and replace locally elected board members with a board hand-picked by the state, a move triggered by the academic failures at a school that has since closed. “I take parent calls almost every night, almost every day, and so to lose that local voice, removing the voice of my constituents, of our voters, is just deeply concerning to me,” she said. State takeovers are having a moment. For decades, state officials have taken over school districts, citing academic and financial calamity. In some cases, the calamity was real: School districts were bankrupt. Very small fractions of students read at grade level. But while those reasons are still the most commonly cited, officials’ rhetoric to justify the tactic has become more overtly political as the country’s political divides have deepened, according to those who study the phenomenon. In Texas, the state has seized control over seven school districts since 2023, four of those announced in the past six months. Nationwide, Chalkbeat tracked at least 21 new school district takeovers in the past three years, with additional takeovers threatened. These come after what some experts said was a lull in the practice. This year already, Texas’ schools chief threatened districts with takeovers over anti-ICE protests, while Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis took a swipe at unions while suggesting a state receiver should be in control of Broward County Public Schools. “At this point, states don’t really care about having to justify this action,” said Domingo Morel, a professor at New York University. “Back in the 1980s, 1990s, early 2000s, states really went out of their way to make it look like they really wanted to come in to improve the district.” Conservative governors and education commissioners have said they’re taking a hard line on academics, targeting entire districts over a few schools, or progress they say is not fast enough. Some argue that outside intervention is the only way to break up entrenched political interests that stagnate learning. Researchers also say the revival of takeovers in some states may reflect alarm over flagging academic achievement and financial distress in COVID’s wake. “People are really concerned, especially post-pandemic, about student achievement,” said Josh Bleiberg, an education professor at the University of Pittsburgh. “I do think there’s an emergency mindset aspect of here like, ‘well, we’ve got to do something.’” There are examples of takeovers that produced sustained improvements in student outcomes, but they are the minority, according to research. More often, research shows the loss of control disproportionately affects communities of color in exchange for meager and short-term gains in academic achievement. Some welcome change in the Fort Worth district, where students lag behind their peers on national assessments. For others, like Martinez, the takeover is a flex of Republican political power over a district in a politically mixed county, and in a school district that primarily serves Hispanic and Black students. To them, the entity that will come out ahead could be the state’s new private school choice program, not public schools. And for a third set — people like Ale Checka, a longtime teacher in Fort Worth — two things can be true. Yes, Fort Worth’s schools deserved to be taken over, Checka said. But that doesn’t mean she likes it: “God, I wish we could get taken over by literally anybody else.” State takeovers gaining momentum in Republican-led states States run by Democrats have also initiated takeovers in the past three years, in several instances for financial reasons. But Republican-led states are leading the charge on recent takeovers, although the strategy looks different from state to state. In Tennessee, Republican lawmakers want to install a state-appointed oversight board in Memphis-Shelby County Schools, the largest school district in the state, to assume authority of schools in a majority Democratic county. A Memphis-Shelby County Schools school board meeting. Tennessee Republicans argue a state-appointed oversight board could better turn around lagging academic achievement than the current school board. Opponents of the GOP plan say Memphis schools are not only improving, they’re exceeding state expectations for growth in reading and math on state assessments. Mississippi has taken over two school districts in the past year, after a lull since 2021. The state has had broader authority since 2024, when lawmakers removed a requirement for the governor to first declare a state of emergency in a school district to initiate a takeover. GOP leaders in Nevada and New Hampshire are pushing takeovers for more state control over local districts. Not all recent state interventions in local school districts amount to a direct takeover. Indiana GOP lawmakers have mandated a new oversight board for Indianapolis Public Schools, but the board’s members would be picked by the mayor, who’s currently a Democrat. Committee and community members gather after the Indianapolis Public Schools board meeting on Tuesday, Jan. 7, 2025. But the state that’s arguably become the clearest blueprint for the current crop of takeovers is Texas. In Texas, just one school in a district can trigger state intervention for that district. In Houston, the trigger was Wheatley High School where more than 90% of Wheatley’s students are Latino or Black and many are from low-income backgrounds. Wheatley was deemed unacceptable in the state’s rating system for seven straight school years, which state schools chief Mike Morath cited in 2023 as one reason the state was taking over, along with languishing achievement in other Houston schools, which educate about 180,000 students and constitute the state’s largest district. In 2023, Morath told the Houston Landing that state intervention was necessary in part because the district had allowed chronic low achievement in multiple schools for far too long. “Parents, teachers have high expectations for kids,” Morath said at the time. “It’s important for me to maintain high expectations for school boards. So this is ultimately about an intervention action for the school board.” (The Texas Education Agency did not respond to requests for an interview with Morath for this story.) State officials put Mike Miles — a longtime lightning rod in education — in charge of Houston as superintendent and replaced the elected board with an appointed one. Miles, the former Dallas superintendent who also founded a charter school network, made school hours longer, cut jobs in the district’s central office, implemented new curriculum in struggling schools, and put more pressure on school principals to deliver results. The results have been a mixed bag. Houston now has fewer struggling schools, under Texas’ school rating system. But the number of students enrolled has declined by 13,000 since the takeover, an acceleration of earlier enrollment decline. And the share of teachers remaining on their campuses between school years fell from 70% before the takeover to 58.6% from the 2023-2024 and 2024-2025 school years, according to research from the University of Houston. Still, Houston has produced enticing results. “People from all over the country, including Alaska, are calling us to ask how we’re doing this,” Miles told The 74 last year, touting the district’s academic gains. “Boldness is what’s called for, and people are starting to have some hope that big turnarounds can be done.” Republicans in Tennessee have pointed to Houston as a model for a state takeover of Memphis’ district, critical of flagging academics and school board dysfunction. Parents and teachers in Fort Worth, a district of roughly 70,000 students and the 10th-largest in the state, have eyed the changes in Houston closely. Two in 3 students in Fort Worth can’t read on grade level, according to the Fort Worth Report. Two middle schools have failed in the state rating system for four consecutive years, just shy of the state intervention threshold. Trenace Dorsey-Hollins is a Fort Worth mother of two and founder of Parent Shield, a grassroots group pushing the message that Fort Worth’s kids deserve a high-quality education. Despite the political undertones of the takeover in Houston, the new management is “changing the trajectory for a lot of kids” there, she said, and Fort Worth is in need of some “true momentum.” The truth is, many schools across Texas are failing, and they’ve been failing kids for a long time, she said. Checka acknowledged that Fort Worth is in a literacy crisis that warrants outside intervention, she said. But she’s watched Houston eliminate school librarian positions with horror. “The moves that the state is making are not moves that are for literacy,” Checka said. While Houston has improved reading scores, educators have been critical of district-prescribed instruction that doesn’t emphasize reading books cover-to-cover. Martinez, the board member, notes that the district already adopted higher-quality instructional materials and added teacher training. Just this month, the district shared data showing growth on reading assessments. “If the state had some magic bullet that was going to just come in and significantly improve schools, one: why haven’t they already shared it?” she asked. “Two: why are they not partnering with us?” Political rhetoric around school district takeovers has changed As students walked out earlier this year to protest federal immigration policy, Texas Education Agency officials warned that schools could face state control if student protests continued. Republican Gov. Greg Abbott called for investigations into multiple districts, implying that protests were taking kids away from academics. Texas hasn’t initiated any takeovers since Abbott’s comments. But the state did place the Austin district under investigation. Austin was already under financial stress, and several middle schools are one failing grade away from triggering intervention. Morel, who studies state takeovers, said he believed the country would witness a decline in the practice nearly a decade ago. Yet Houston marked an “outright political power play on the part of the state,” given that the state used a single school’s shortcomings as the reason for intervention, even when the district itself was not failing in the state’s rating system. “You can anticipate that if this type of trajectory continues, that it’s really not about improving schools, that it’s about undermining the political power of these communities,” he said. There’s inherent political friction in a takeover, said Johnny Key, a former Republican Arkansas schools chief who oversaw the state intervention in the Little Rock School District from 2015 to 2021. Key acknowledges the takeover wasn’t a “smashing success” but said it stabilized leadership and helped the district plan for the end of desegregation aid, a major funding source. Key said any takeover is inherently political, because the state is claiming responsibility for something typically controlled locally. But that doesn’t mean takeovers aren’t necessary, or that state officials are simply dismissing communities. “To paint state takeover with any type of broad brush ignores the nuance and the differences in the communities that are affected,” he said. But ultimately state takeovers must be sensitive to politics and get support from key groups, including teachers, to ensure changes can endure, said Ashley Jochim, a political scientist with the Center on Reinventing Public Education. “You go in and do a bunch of stuff that’s super controversial, even if it benefits kids, if it doesn’t have political support, it’s not going to be sustained over time,” she said. Recent controversy over Texas education policy isn’t confined to state takeovers. In conversations about the pending Fort Worth takeover, Martinez and others raised Texas’ school voucher program that Abbott signed into law in 2025. There’s no evidence to suggest Texas is somehow using state intervention as a way to promote vouchers. But critics like Martinez are skeptical of a government touting a voucher program that comes with little accountability for achievement, while also claiming it’s trying to raise achievement for already-stretched public schools. “The reasoning behind the strong interventions has less to do about student outcomes and more about shifting of power,” Martinez said. For Checka, the state’s motivation for taking over Fort Worth Schools matters. The idea that students will learn more every day is what gets her up in the morning. She wishes she felt confident Texas officials had the same motivations. “The things that are important to me are my students being able to read and write … my students being able to access opportunities after high school and go to college,” she said. “It is just not important to them.” Lily Altavena is a national reporter at Chalkbeat. Contact Lily at laltavena@chalkbeat.org.

Թրամփը խոստովանել է, որ Իրանը դեռ հրթիռակոծում է Պարսից ծոցի իր հարևաններին, բայց հավելել է, որ ԱՄՆ-ն հարվածում է իրանական հրթիռների արձակման օբյեկտներին։

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Ազատ Եվրոպա/Ազատություն
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Թրամփը խոստովանել է, որ Իրանը դեռ հրթիռակոծում է Պարսից ծոցի իր հարևաններին, բայց հավելել է, որ ԱՄՆ-ն հարվածում է իրանական հրթիռների արձակման օբյեկտներին։

18 minutes

ده‌نگی ئه‌مه‌ریکا
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لە ئەنجامی هێرشەکانی ئەمەریکا و ئیسرائیل بنکەی پۆلیسی دیپلۆمات لە تاران وێرانکرا.

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ده‌نگی ئه‌مه‌ریکا
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لە ئەنجامی هێرشەکانی ئەمەریکا و ئیسرائیل بنکەی پۆلیسی دیپلۆمات لە تاران وێرانکرا.

(The Center Square) – Illinois lawmakers want to rebrand fentanyl deaths as “poisoning” instead of “overdose,” but coroners say the change would force them to lie on death certificates. Senate Bill 3014 would direct coroners and medical examiners to classify deaths involving fentanyl as “poisoning” instead of “overdose.” Under the bill, each fentanyl-related death would have to be reported separately to the Illinois Department of Public Health, and the department would be required to publish these fatalities distinctly in its monthly overdose reports, rather than grouping them with other drug overdoses. The bill’s sponsor Sen. Sue Rezin, R- Morris, says the change is intended to reduce stigma and give families a more accurate way to describe the deaths of loved ones who unknowingly ingested fentanyl-laced substances. “Too many angel families feel forced into silence because of the stigma surrounding… ‘overdose death,’” Rezin said. “This bill helps to elevate the conversation…and give families some peace in properly describing what happened to their loved ones, by renaming or reclassifying their death as a poisoning,” Rezin told The Center Square. David Harris, coroner of Fayette County and president of the Illinois Coroners and Medical Examiners Association, called the proposal “basically lying.” “If the tox report comes back fentanyl, it’s a fentanyl overdose, basically you’re not telling the truth on the death certificate [if you call it a ‘poisoning’],” Harris said. Harris explained that while coroners can distinguish between intentional overdoses and cases where fentanyl is unknowingly ingested, the term “poisoning” could encompass a wide range of causes, chemical, environmental, or otherwise, making it misleading when applied to every fentanyl death. Rezin emphasized that the bill could be implemented in a way that distinguishes between different types of fentanyl deaths. “I do believe that there is a process that we can put into place that will allow for the proper classification in certain circumstances as overdoses,” said Rezin. “For instance, somebody has an Adderall pill laced with fentanyl—and the student dies from it. These stories are common, and I’m happy to work with the coroners to put language in place that distinguishes between the two examples.” Harris framed the bill as a semantic adjustment, but one with serious implications for accuracy. “I believe the family doesn’t want to see in the ‘contributing factors’ that it [the death] was caused by an overdose. We don’t have that problem in my area, but maybe in some larger cities, they don’t want that on the death certificate for some reason, whether it’s life insurance or something else,” said Harris. Peoria County coroner Jamie Harwood said the proposed bill would force coroners to report deaths in a way that conflicts with their professional standards. With nearly 30 years in critical care and nine years as coroner, Harwood emphasized the oath coroners take to ensure “justice and integrity” in every death investigation. “Here in Peoria County, when our forensic pathologist determines a cause of death based on toxicology for a presumptive overdose, she lists every drug that contributed, such as heroin and fentanyl, as an intoxication. It’s not a poisoning – it’s an intoxication,” said Harwood. “Whatever is on the forensic autopsy is what we are required to put in line A of the death certificate. Anything that isn’t consistent with that is counterintuitive and simply not correct. I stand with the association in opposition.” Harwood noted that there is currently no uniform standard across Illinois for labeling overdose deaths. Each coroner may follow slightly different practices depending on the forensic pathologist’s report.

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The Center Square
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(The Center Square) – Illinois lawmakers want to rebrand fentanyl deaths as “poisoning” instead of “overdose,” but coroners say the change would force them to lie on death certificates. Senate Bill 3014 would direct coroners and medical examiners to classify deaths involving fentanyl as “poisoning” instead of “overdose.” Under the bill, each fentanyl-related death would have to be reported separately to the Illinois Department of Public Health, and the department would be required to publish these fatalities distinctly in its monthly overdose reports, rather than grouping them with other drug overdoses. The bill’s sponsor Sen. Sue Rezin, R- Morris, says the change is intended to reduce stigma and give families a more accurate way to describe the deaths of loved ones who unknowingly ingested fentanyl-laced substances. “Too many angel families feel forced into silence because of the stigma surrounding… ‘overdose death,’” Rezin said. “This bill helps to elevate the conversation…and give families some peace in properly describing what happened to their loved ones, by renaming or reclassifying their death as a poisoning,” Rezin told The Center Square. David Harris, coroner of Fayette County and president of the Illinois Coroners and Medical Examiners Association, called the proposal “basically lying.” “If the tox report comes back fentanyl, it’s a fentanyl overdose, basically you’re not telling the truth on the death certificate [if you call it a ‘poisoning’],” Harris said. Harris explained that while coroners can distinguish between intentional overdoses and cases where fentanyl is unknowingly ingested, the term “poisoning” could encompass a wide range of causes, chemical, environmental, or otherwise, making it misleading when applied to every fentanyl death. Rezin emphasized that the bill could be implemented in a way that distinguishes between different types of fentanyl deaths. “I do believe that there is a process that we can put into place that will allow for the proper classification in certain circumstances as overdoses,” said Rezin. “For instance, somebody has an Adderall pill laced with fentanyl—and the student dies from it. These stories are common, and I’m happy to work with the coroners to put language in place that distinguishes between the two examples.” Harris framed the bill as a semantic adjustment, but one with serious implications for accuracy. “I believe the family doesn’t want to see in the ‘contributing factors’ that it [the death] was caused by an overdose. We don’t have that problem in my area, but maybe in some larger cities, they don’t want that on the death certificate for some reason, whether it’s life insurance or something else,” said Harris. Peoria County coroner Jamie Harwood said the proposed bill would force coroners to report deaths in a way that conflicts with their professional standards. With nearly 30 years in critical care and nine years as coroner, Harwood emphasized the oath coroners take to ensure “justice and integrity” in every death investigation. “Here in Peoria County, when our forensic pathologist determines a cause of death based on toxicology for a presumptive overdose, she lists every drug that contributed, such as heroin and fentanyl, as an intoxication. It’s not a poisoning – it’s an intoxication,” said Harwood. “Whatever is on the forensic autopsy is what we are required to put in line A of the death certificate. Anything that isn’t consistent with that is counterintuitive and simply not correct. I stand with the association in opposition.” Harwood noted that there is currently no uniform standard across Illinois for labeling overdose deaths. Each coroner may follow slightly different practices depending on the forensic pathologist’s report.

En el marco de un paro de 24 horas del Sindicato Único de Trabajadores del Neumático (SUTNA), con las consignas «Basta de despidos, ningún cierre de fábrica» y «Defender la mano de obra argentina es defender a nuestras familias», las y los trabajadores de FATE movilizarán este miércoles 4 de marzo a las 11 horas […]

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ANRed
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En el marco de un paro de 24 horas del Sindicato Único de Trabajadores del Neumático (SUTNA), con las consignas «Basta de despidos, ningún cierre de fábrica» y «Defender la mano de obra argentina es defender a nuestras familias», las y los trabajadores de FATE movilizarán este miércoles 4 de marzo a las 11 horas […]

Natura Jardunaldiak antolatu ditu mankomunitateak. Keko Alonsok berbaldi bi egingo ditu, eta txango bat gidatuko du.

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Berria
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Natura Jardunaldiak antolatu ditu mankomunitateak. Keko Alonsok berbaldi bi egingo ditu, eta txango bat gidatuko du.

24 minutes

Azad Avropa/Azadlıq Radioları
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III Respublika platformasının qurucu üzvlərindən Araz Əliyev hazırkı məqamda İranın Bakını da hədəf alacağını düşünmür, bir neçə səbəb sadalayır.

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Azad Avropa/Azadlıq Radioları
Public Domain

III Respublika platformasının qurucu üzvlərindən Araz Əliyev hazırkı məqamda İranın Bakını da hədəf alacağını düşünmür, bir neçə səbəb sadalayır.

وەزارەتی دەرەوەی ئیسرائیل گرتە ڤیدیۆییەکی بڵاو کردووەتەوە و دەڵێت مووشەکێکی ئێرانی خەڵکی مەدەنی لە ناو وڵاتەکە دەکاتەوە ئامانج. لە گرتە ڤیدیۆکەدا شوێنێک نیشان دەدات کە دیاری نەکراوە کوێیە و مووشەکێک بە ئاسمانەوە دەکەوێتە خوارەوە. وەزارەتەکە دەڵێت " مووشەکێکی ئێران لە ناو ئێراندا دەکەوێتە خوارێ و لە خەڵکی سڤیل دەدات." دەشڵێت " بیر بەنەوە دەبێت چەند جاری تر ئەە ڕوویدابێت."

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ده‌نگی ئه‌مه‌ریکا
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وەزارەتی دەرەوەی ئیسرائیل گرتە ڤیدیۆییەکی بڵاو کردووەتەوە و دەڵێت مووشەکێکی ئێرانی خەڵکی مەدەنی لە ناو وڵاتەکە دەکاتەوە ئامانج. لە گرتە ڤیدیۆکەدا شوێنێک نیشان دەدات کە دیاری نەکراوە کوێیە و مووشەکێک بە ئاسمانەوە دەکەوێتە خوارەوە. وەزارەتەکە دەڵێت " مووشەکێکی ئێران لە ناو ئێراندا دەکەوێتە خوارێ و لە خەڵکی سڤیل دەدات." دەشڵێت " بیر بەنەوە دەبێت چەند جاری تر ئەە ڕوویدابێت."

Министерство иностранных дел России 3 марта выпустило рекомендации гражданам РФ «в связи с напряженностью на Ближнем Востоке».

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Медуза
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Министерство иностранных дел России 3 марта выпустило рекомендации гражданам РФ «в связи с напряженностью на Ближнем Востоке».

США собираются полностью разорвать торговые отношения с Испанией, после того как страна не разрешила использовать свои базы для ударов по Ирану, заявил президент Соединенных Штатов Дональд Трамп.

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Медуза
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США собираются полностью разорвать торговые отношения с Испанией, после того как страна не разрешила использовать свои базы для ударов по Ирану, заявил президент Соединенных Штатов Дональд Трамп.

26 minutes

South Dakota Searchlight
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PIERRE — South Dakota families who qualify for reduced-price school meals could get those meals for free if the state Senate backs and Gov. Larry Rhoden signs a bill endorsed by a panel of lawmakers Tuesday. The Senate Education Committee voted 5-2 to advance House Bill 1082. The bill passed the House of Representatives 46-20. […]

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South Dakota Searchlight
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PIERRE — South Dakota families who qualify for reduced-price school meals could get those meals for free if the state Senate backs and Gov. Larry Rhoden signs a bill endorsed by a panel of lawmakers Tuesday. The Senate Education Committee voted 5-2 to advance House Bill 1082. The bill passed the House of Representatives 46-20. […]