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Editor’s note: Amarillo Tribune staff sit through hours of public meetings every week so that you don’t have to. Here’s what you need to know about the Amarillo City Council meeting on May 12, 2026, briefly explained in a few bullet points, but you can find our in-depth coverage further down the page. The Amarillo […] The post Need to Know: Amarillo City Council, May 12, 2026 appeared first on Amarillo Tribune.

This is the second part of an ongoing series chronicling oligarchy and its effects on North American society. The post The Oligarch Chronicles Part 2 appeared first on rabble.ca.

Kryeministri Hristijan Mickoski ka komentuar paralajmërimin e studentëve për protesta më 18 maj, përcjell TV21. Mickoski tha se të njëjtit duhet të kenë durim dhe se së shpejti do të propozohet zgjidhje për kërkesën që provimi i jurisprudencës të mbahet edhe në gjuhën shqipe. “Është çështje për të cilën ne si qeveri punojmë. Jam i […]

Maria Bethânia, Projeto Dominguinho, Ludmilla e Zé Ramalho estão entre os nomes da música nacional confirmados para o Festival de Inverno Bahia 2026 O post 20 anos de FIB! Festival divulga grade completa de edição histórica apareceu primeiro em Site Coreto.

Henrique Gomes acredita que trégua tarifária é resultado do colapso que EUA criou ao atacar o Irã Fonte

A medida que se acercan las elecciones de medio término (midterms, en inglés) en Estados Unidos hay datos que damos por sentado que, en realidad, so...

As Canada prepares to co-host the 2026 World Cup, its men’s soccer team offers a more diverse and inclusive vision of national identity than the country’s traditional sports have provided.

Sign up for Chalkbeat Colorado’s free daily newsletter to get the latest reporting from us, plus curated news from other Colorado outlets, delivered to your inbox.Kurt Clay, assistant superintendent in the Delta County school district, was alarmed last year to learn that 138 students had left his western Colorado district for public online schools. With them went $1.6 million in state education dollars. “That’s just funding that goes somewhere else,” Clay said. “It’s not staying here local.“ It wasn’t just about the money though. Clay and other district leaders believed they could offer something better: The flexible online classes students wanted with the added benefit of keeping them connected to district staff, school clubs, and special events like prom. That’s how the district’s online program — Empower Online — came to be last fall. Delta County is among the dozens of Colorado districts that have recently started their own online programs or plan to soon, competing for students at a time when enrollment is declining statewide. Such school districts, which are contending with budget cuts and even school closures, are particularly wary of multi-district online schools, which they say draw students and state funding to districts hundreds of miles away.Colorado has 44 multi-district online schools serving more than 30,000 students statewide. About half the schools get 90% or more of their students from outside their authorizing district, according to data from the Colorado Department of Education. Just a few entities authorize many of the schools.More multi-district online schools could be on the way. While the State Board of Education unanimously rejected one in March, it will consider three more proposals on Thursday. This group helps districts with online programsOver the past year, a state-supported nonprofit called Colorado Digital Learning Solutions has helped many districts launch or plan new online programs. The group is not an online school. Rather, it provides asynchronous online classes taught by Colorado-licensed teachers to school districts and charter schools. Some of its teachers still teach in-person classes, and others are retired from Colorado classrooms.The Weld RE-5J district in northern Colorado has used Colorado Digital Learning Solutions courses for years in its online program. Emma, a junior in the district, is taking algebra, English, and world history online through the group, plus four in-person classes at her high school in Johnstown. Emma, who hopes to graduate a semester early, said she found all in-person classes a struggle because she has ADHD. “I just have a really hard time focusing in class and being my whole present self,” she said.“I chose hybrid because it still gives me a social aspect, but it also gives me that flexible aspect.” Colorado Digital Learning Solutions was selected to provide online classes to Colorado schools after the passage of a 2016 state law that required increased investment in supplemental online courses. The law sought to ensure digital equity by providing assistance to school districts and charter schools that didn’t have the capacity to build their own online offerings. Emma, a junior at Roosevelt High School in Johnstown in northern Colorado, joined her district's online program last fall. Colorado Digital Learning Solutions receives about 20% of its budget from the state. Generally, school districts pay the group $250 per student per semester-long class. About half of Colorado’s 180 school districts use the nonprofit to offer online classes — sometimes a full menu and sometimes a single course. For example, the small Lamar district on the Eastern Plains contracts with the group to provide a Latin class, taught by a Boulder teacher, to one student. As more school districts seek to win students back from multi-district online schools — or prevent students from leaving in the first place — things have become contentious at times. Some multi-district online schools are pushing back against Colorado Digital Learning Solutions.In a February letter on behalf of some multi-district online schools, attorney Brad Miller accused the group of causing “reputational harm” to the schools. He said the group’s promotional materials highlight the online schools’ low graduation rates without noting that their students tend to be highly mobile and behind academically. Dan Morris, co-executive director of Colorado Digital Learning Solutions, said his group was reporting publicly available data. Miller, who’s been involved in several high-profile lawsuits on behalf of conservative-leaning school districts, did not respond to requests for comment or to clarify which online schools he represents. The online program pitch Seventeen Colorado districts, most of them small and rural, started online programs in 2025. Colorado Digital Learning Solutions is working with 25-30 additional districts that want to start online programs next school year, Morris said. Unlike multi-district online schools, online programs must have fewer than 100 full-time online students and no more than 10 from outside the district. A key part of Morris’ pitch to districts is data. It’s in the presentation he’s given at state conferences: “Stop the Enrollment Drain: Build a Local Online Program that keeps students in-district.” He also shares detailed spreadsheets his team has compiled showing how many students school districts are losing to multi-district online schools. That’s what convinced officials in the Durango district in southwestern Colorado to start an online program next year. They learned they’d lost more than 400 students — and about $5 million in state funding — to multi-district online schools. Robert Aspen, Durango High School’s intervention coordinator, said they’ll start with up to 50 students, with plans to grow long term. The goal is to attract students who enrolled in multi-district online schools back to their home school. While there are 44 multi-district onlines in Colorado, state data shows that most students are leaving their local districts for a few big names, authorized by just a few entities and often run by for-profit companies located out of state. Byers Superintendent Tom Turrell, whose district authorizes eight multi-district online charter schools, said it’s no surprise that more districts are starting online options.“We don’t view district on-line programs as competition,” he said by email. “Like Byers, other districts are innovating to better serve students and that’s great, that’s their job.” Online learning is popular, not all options created equalEducators say families seek online options for many reasons, including because students suffer from anxiety, have medical challenges, have experienced bullying, or have jobs or household responsibilities that conflict with a traditional school schedule. Competitive athletes also like the flexibility of online courses.“I have a rodeo girl,” said Delaine Hudson, a former principal who runs the new online program in Delta County. “She spends her morning doing school work and then she’s either practicing or … she’s somewhere in the state doing rodeo.”Forty students, mostly high schoolers, are enrolled in Delta County’s online program this semester, taking courses through Colorado Digital Learning Solutions with other students around the state. They take core classes, like English and science, and less common offerings like “History of the Holocaust.” Hudson likes that there’s a real teacher available to message when students hit roadblocks. She checks in with students weekly, too, by phone, email, or text. Most students are thrilled with the online program so far, she said. “And it’s rigorous. I don’t feel like we’re just pushing them through.”Critics of some multi-district online schools question their quality. At 20 of the schools, so few students take state tests that state officials can’t calculate ratings, leaving the public in the dark about how they’re doing.In addition, some of the biggest multi-district online schools routinely post low graduation rates. For example, the 2,600-student Astravo Academy Online High School, which is authorized by the Byers district, has a four-year graduation rate of 44%. At District 49’s GOAL High School, it’s 49%. The state average is about 86%, according to state data.Supporters say the some multi-district online schools are helping at-risk students who’ve faced educational and personal challenges. “We’ve taken on all of the kids who needed second and third and fourth and fifth chances in GOAL from the entire state,” said District 49 school board member Marie LaVere-Wright at a board meeting last June. While GOAL is classified by the state as an “alternative education campus” — schools designed to serve high-risk students — more than 90 other Colorado schools, including many bricks and mortar schools, have the same designation. District 49 officials declined to comment for this story.Ann Schimke is a senior reporter at Chalkbeat, covering early childhood issues and early literacy. Contact Ann at aschimke@chalkbeat.org

Суд Эўрапейскага зьвязу ў Люксэмбургу ануляваў рашэньне Рады ЭЗ аб падаўжэньні ў 2025 годзе санкцый у дачыненьні да расейскага прадпрымальніка Міхаіла Гуцэрыева.

A desintrusão da Terra Indígena Munduruku representou um momento crucial de reconfiguração territorial, mas a retirada física de garimpeiros não encerrou o conflito. A ação inaugurou novas dinâmicas e pressões, tais como desestruturação de cadeias econômicas informais associadas ao garimpo e aumento de atuação de facções criminosas no território urbano. O post Garimpo em Jacareacanga: espaço, minero-dependência e reconfigurações na Amazônia apareceu primeiro em Amazônia Real.

Retour de l’ancien ministre Armel Sayo à la prison du Camp de Roux : un corps déformé , l’homme devenu méconnaissable  par des mois de détention secrète à la prison russe     Rédigé le . Par : la rédaction de Corbeau News Centrafrique, CNC  L’ancien ministre Armel Sayo a été réincarcéré à la maison d’arrêt […] Cet article Retour de l’ancien ministre Armel Sayo à la prison du Camp de Roux : un corps déformé , l’homme devenu méconnaissable par des mois de détention secrète à la prison russe est apparu en premier sur Corbeau News Centrafrique ou si b il LPP et actualités en République centrafricaine.

(The Center Square) – The Republican-led Minnesota House fraud prevention and state oversight committee adopted its majority report on Wednesday, concluding a two-year review of alleged fraud across multiple state programs. The report summarized hearings held during the 2025–2026 legislative session and outlined what Republicans describe as “widespread" vulnerabilities in state-administered programs, including Medicaid waiver services, child care assistance and other public benefits programs. “The report outlines the ‘anatomy of fraud’ and the failure of the Walz administration to take action,” said state Rep. Kristin Robbins, R-Maple Grove, who chairs the committee. Robbins said the committee’s work revealed what she described as systemic issues across agencies and called for continued reforms, even though the committee is adjourning. “The scope of the fraud is staggering,” Robbins said during the committee’s final meeting. “I hope the findings and recommendations are taken seriously. We have made enormous progress in exposing fraud, strengthening internal controls and bringing a culture of accountability to state government, but there is more work to do.” Two Years in the Making The committee was created in January, 2025 as part of a House power-sharing agreement after the chamber was tied. It was the first oversight committee of its kind in Minnesota legislative history and was tasked with holding hearings on fraud prevention and agency oversight. In late November, a firestorm erupted in the state following the release of reports alleging that millions of taxpayer dollars had been fraudulently stolen from Minnesota’s welfare system and then sent to the Somali-based terror group Al-Shabaab.The revelations drew national attention to the state, with independent and federal investigators estimating that the potential value of fraud schemes could range between $9 billion and $20 billion. During the committee's lifetime, lawmakers reviewed testimony from dozens of witnesses, whistleblower complaints and prior Office of the Legislative Auditor reports. The report concludes that fraud spanned multiple programs and agencies and that existing safeguards were insufficient to prevent abuse. It also argues that patterns of fraud were repeated across programs, including child care assistance and Medicaid waiver services, and that and Democrat administration officials failed to act quickly enough to prevent losses. "The Walz Administration ignored and consciously downplayed shocking levels of fraud," it states. Robbins said the committee identified what she called an “anatomy of fraud” or “business model of fraud,” which she said should help agencies identify and stop future schemes earlier. “We’ve seen the same pattern over and over and over,” Robbins said during the hearing. “We have to clamp down on it right away.” The report further states that lawmakers believe fraud prevention tools such as prepayment reviews, unannounced inspections and earlier risk designations could have reduced losses if implemented sooner. Partisan Opposition Democratic lawmakers on the committee strongly objected to both the report’s conclusions and the process used to adopt it – as well as the existence of the committee itself. Rep. Dave Pinto, DFL-St. Paul, said the document was released less than 24 hours before the vote and criticized Republicans for not allowing time for review or edits. “This document came together without any input, any review, anything from three of the eight members of the committee,” Pinto said. “I don’t know what the point is of why we’re even voting.” Pinto also disputed claims made in the report regarding officials in the Walz administration, arguing that state and federal prosecutors have pursued fraud cases and that the report mischaracterized the scope of those efforts. Rep. Emma Greenman, DFL-Minneapolis, added the committee’s work had drifted away from fraud prevention for a broader political agenda. “This committee is called the Fraud Prevention and Government Oversight Committee, not the make the case and picture what you think the Democratic Party is,” Greenman said. She also argued that fraud prevention work was occurring in other legislative committees and that bipartisan efforts on anti-fraud legislation were already underway outside the oversight panel. “This report turned into . . . no Democratic leader left un-disparaged,” Greenman said. “That’s not a good use of state dollars. And it's not actually taking seriously the problem.” Republicans pushed back, arguing the committee’s role was to investigate fraud patterns rather than pass legislation directly, and said the report was necessary to document findings and recommendations. Rep. Pam Altendorf, R-Red Wing, defended the committee’s work. “This was exposure of what had to be shown to the public in order to will for change,” Altendorf said. “What I don’t see from the Democrat Party, from the Walz administration, is accountability.” The committee voted to adopt the majority report with four votes in favor and two abstentions, both from the Democrat members on the committee. Robbins Interview Robbins, in an exclusive interview with The Center Square following the vote, said the committee was designed to function similarly to congressional oversight bodies, which typically issue separate majority and minority reports. She said Republican members provided advance notice of the report and invited participation in a minority report but said Democrats declined to produce one. “They decided not to do that, and then they wanted to somehow amend or make changes to the majority report,” Robbins said. “That’s just not how these things work.” Robbins added Republicans followed standard oversight practice. “So I thought it was disappointing that they were calling foul on the process,” she said. “The process is very clear. They were just choosing to not follow it.” Robbins applauded the scope of findings uncovered over two years, citing whistleblower reports and testimony. “We, through the whistleblowers, really did uncover how there had been a cover up,” she said, referencing allegations involving agency responses to fraud reporting. “They weren’t just sort of unaware of the fraud. They were aware of it and actively allowing it to continue or suppressing people who are trying to call it out.” Robbins said the committee’s report is meant to serve as a foundation for future legislative efforts, even as questions remain about whether the oversight panel will continue in the next session. “There are many vectors of fraud we didn’t even get to,” Robbins said. “And that’s concerning.” She added the future of the committee itself will depend on which party controls the House in coming sessions. “If Republicans are in charge, we absolutely will have another fraud committee,” she said. “If the Democrats get control, I would doubt they do it.” Robbins said the committee will continue working in a limited capacity even after adjournment, particularly through whistleblower reports and ongoing investigative leads. “Our staff is continuing to work,” she said. “Our committee will continue to investigate the things we’ve been working on, and then turn those credible findings over to our law enforcement partners.” Robbins explained that the majority report is intended to function as a long-term record of the committee’s work and findings, particularly given the uncertainty around whether the panel will be reconstituted. “If this is the only session in the history of the Minnesota Legislature where we actually had the guts to have an oversight committee, I want there to be a record of our work,” Robbins said. Robbins said the broader goal of the committee’s work extends beyond individual cases of fraud and into what she described as a needed shift in state governance and accountability. “Minnesota is a fantastic state, and yes, we have a massive fraud problem,” Robbins said. “But now we know. We have exposed the fraud . . . but what we really need is a culture change.” Robbins said that change could come in the November election. “That is going to come through political leadership, where we have political leaders held accountable for turning a blind eye, for enabling fraud, for even trying to suppress the allegations of fraud,” she said. “We’re getting the criminal accountability on the fraudster side through the federal prosecutions . . . But we need political accountability, and that’s what the public is still waiting for.” Robbins said she hopes the committee’s report contributes to that shift going forward, but that she believes voters will ultimately determine whether that shift occurs. “I hope the citizens of Minnesota will deliver that in November,” Robbins said. “Because the culture change will have to come from electing leaders who are going to hold agencies and the executive branch accountable.”

در گفت‌وگو با شاهین مدرس، تحلیلگر مطالعات امنیتی، به شکاف میان روایت‌های رسانه‌ای غرب و ارزیابی‌های اطلاعاتی از توان نظامی جمهوری اسلامی پرداختیم؛ از «جنگ ادراکی» و بزرگ‌نمایی قدرت ایران گفتیم و پرسیدیم این روایت‌سازی‌ها چطور به جمهوری اسلامی «امید واهی» می‌دهد.

美聯社的一篇報道指出，由於伊朗戰爭導致燃料成本飆升，深受衝擊的亞洲消費者正紛紛轉向屋頂太陽能發電。這一趨勢很可能成為中國的巨大商機，因為中國是全球最大的太陽能技術供應國。

美联社的一篇报道指出，由于伊朗战争导致燃料成本飙升，深受冲击的亚洲消费者正纷纷转向屋顶太阳能发电。这一趋势很可能成为中国的巨大商机，因为中国是全球最大的太阳能技术供应国。

Le Professeur camerounais Franklin Nyamsi met en garde Faustin Archange Touadéra contre les achats nombreux de terrains et de villas par son clan     Rédigé le . Par : la rédaction de Corbeau News Centrafrique, CNC  Le Professeur camerounais Franklin Nyamsi s’adresse directement depuis l’Europe au Président Faustin Archange Touadéra dans un message d’alerte fraternelle. […] Cet article Le Professeur camerounais Franklin Nyamsi met en garde Faustin Archange Touadéra contre les achats nombreux de terrains et de villas par son clan est apparu en premier sur Corbeau News Centrafrique ou si b il LPP et actualités en République centrafricaine.

La reconfiguración del mapa energético global ocupa hoy un lugar central dentro de las disputas geopolíticas contemporáneas. Guerras, sanciones económicas, bloqueos marítimos y tensiones comerciales forman parte de un escenario en el que el control sobre el petróleo y el gas tienen una dimensión estratégica. Ese es el eje del artículo “Cómo Estados Unidos llevó a cabo un robo a mano armada del suministro energético mundial y creó el petrogasdólar”, publicado por el periodista e investigador Richard Medhurst el 1 de mayo de 2026. A lo largo del texto, Medhurst sostiene que Washington ha impulsado durante los últimos años una estrategia orientada a consolidar el control sobre el mercado global de petróleo y gas, utilizando para ello mecanismos de presión política, operaciones militares y sanciones económicas dirigidas contra competidores energéticos y actores asociados al bloque multipolar. Del petrodólar al petrogasdólar Estados Unidos ha transformado su estrategia de dominación energética global alrededor del gas natural licuado y del control de las rutas marítimas de suministro. Bajo esa interpretación, la guerra en Ucrania y la posterior reconfiguración del mercado energético europeo marcaron un punto de inflexión para Washington. El cambio de escenario energético alteró incluso la relación histórica entre Estados Unidos y las crisis petroleras. Durante décadas, los altos precios del petróleo representaban un problema para la economía estadounidense debido a su dependencia de importaciones energéticas. Esa lógica cambió tras la expansión de la producción estadounidense de petróleo, gas y derivados refinados. Dice Medhurst: “Hoy en día, son los mayores productores mundiales de petróleo, gas y productos refinados, y el principal exportador mundial de gas natural licuado (GNL)”. A partir de ahí, el artículo plantea que el encarecimiento global de la energía comenzó a beneficiar directamente a Wall Street y a las corporaciones energéticas estadounidenses. Washington dejó de percibir las crisis energéticas como amenazas y empezó a convertirlas en espacios de rentabilidad y reposicionamiento geopolítico. Las sanciones contra Rusia y la destrucción de los gasoductos Nord Stream permitieron desplazar el suministro ruso hacia Europa y abrir espacio para el gas natural licuado estadounidense, siendo un cambio estructural. “Estados Unidos pasó de suministrar solo el 9% de la energía de Europa a ser la principal fuente europea de carbón, petróleo y GNL”, señala el periodista. El texto también interpreta las declaraciones realizadas en distintos momentos por figuras como Joe Biden o Condoleezza Rice sobre la “dependencia energética” europea como parte de una política deliberada orientada a consolidar un mercado cautivo para el gas estadounidense. Bajo esa lectura, la eliminación del Nord Stream habría tenido un objetivo económico y estratégico de largo plazo. “Al sancionar a Moscú y destruir los gasoductos Nord Stream, Estados Unidos no solo perjudicó a Rusia, sino que convirtió a Europa en un cliente permanente estadounidense”. Otro aspecto relevante es la idea de que Washington no necesitaba ampliar rápidamente su infraestructura energética para consolidar esa posición dominante. Medhurst sostiene que la estrategia consistió en reducir la capacidad operativa de sus competidores directos dentro del mercado global de GNL. En ese contexto, el artículo ubica los acontecimientos relacionados con Qatar y Australia dentro de una misma secuencia geopolítica. La interrupción parcial de las capacidades de exportación de ambos países terminó elevando los precios internacionales del gas y fortaleciendo la posición estadounidense dentro del mercado energético mundial. La guerra energética contra los competidores La investigación describe una secuencia de acontecimientos que responde a una ofensiva orientada a desplazar a los principales competidores energéticos de Estados Unidos. Rusia, Qatar e Irán se ubican dentro de un mismo escenario de presión vinculado al control del mercado global de gas natural licuado y de las rutas de suministro hacia Europa y Asia. La situación de Qatar durante la guerra contra Irán lo ejemplifica bien. La paralización parcial de las operaciones en Ras Laffan alteró de forma inmediata el equilibrio del mercado internacional de GNL. Medhurst señala que “Washington eliminó el yacimiento de gas más grande del mundo, paralizando a Irán y marginando a Qatar de un solo golpe”. Qatar se vio obligado a suspender contratos energéticos de largo plazo con varios compradores internacionales, situación que terminó redirigiendo parte de la demanda hacia el gas estadounidense. La consecuencia inmediata fue un incremento de precios concentrado principalmente en Europa y Asia. “En el lapso de tan solo 9 días, Estados Unidos vio cómo sus dos mayores competidores salían del mercado”, dice Medhurst. Esos acontecimientos se conectan con decisiones adoptadas por la Unión Europea respecto al gas ruso. Medhurst recuerda que el mismo día en que Qatar retiró parte de su capacidad exportadora, Bruselas avanzó en nuevas restricciones contra compras de gas ruso al contado. La simultaneidad de ambos procesos terminó favoreciendo directamente a los exportadores estadounidenses de GNL. La cuenca levantina ocupa otro eje importante dentro del análisis. Estados Unidos e Israel avanzaron en una reorganización energética del Mediterráneo oriental vinculada a los yacimientos ubicados frente a Siria, Palestina y Líbano. El texto interpreta el desarrollo del corredor EastMed-Poseidon como un reemplazo geopolítico del Nord Stream. “Washington había construido una verdadera arteria estadounidense que se extendía desde el Levante hasta Chipre y Grecia”. El artículo dedica especial atención al papel de Chevron dentro de esa reconfiguración regional, mencionando acuerdos gasíferos firmados con Israel, Grecia y Chipre, además de movimientos posteriores sobre infraestructura energética siria. La investigación sostiene que esas operaciones forman parte de una misma estrategia de consolidación corporativa y control territorial sobre reservas de gas en el Mediterráneo. “El corredor de gas del norte procedente de Rusia había quedado inoperativo, y en su lugar se construyó uno nuevo, casi perfectamente simétrico”, dice el periodista. La situación de Gaza también aparece integrada dentro de esa lectura geopolítica. “Esta guerra nunca tuvo que ver con rehenes ni con Hamás, sino con el saqueo de los recursos de Gaza”, expone Medhurst, vinculandonel control sobre la cuenca levantina con proyectos energéticos asociados a plataformas de gas marítimo y cuestionando el rol desempeñado por organismos impulsados tras el alto al fuego. La explotación futura de esos recursos constituye uno de los factores estructurales detrás del conflicto. El objetivo de estas operaciones no se limita al mercado europeo. “El verdadero objetivo es China”, dice. Washington intenta condicionar el acceso energético de Pekín mediante presión sobre proveedores estratégicos y control sobre corredores marítimos. Venezuela, China y la disputa por las reservas estratégicas En esta disputa energética de alcance global, Venezuela se encuentra vinculada directamente con China y con la reconfiguración del mercado petrolero internacional. Washington busca limitar el acceso chino a proveedores considerados estratégicos, entre ellos Venezuela, Rusia e Irán. Medhurst recuerda que “China obtiene alrededor de un tercio de su petróleo de Venezuela, Rusia e Irán en conjunto". Por lo tanto, la presión sobre esos países responde a una estrategia orientada a restringir márgenes de maniobra para Pekín dentro del sistema energético global. "Al cortar las fuentes de combustible más vitales de Pekín, Estados Unidos pretende forzar una dependencia total de la energía estadounidense”, agrega. En el caso venezolano, la investigación menciona la secuencia de operaciones militares, financieras y marítimas iniciadas en el segundo semestre del 2026 con el despliegue de buques estadounidenses en el Caribe bajo el argumento de supuestas operaciones antidrogas. Esa presencia naval terminó funcionando como un mecanismo de control sobre la salida de petróleo venezolano. La operación avanzó posteriormente hacia un esquema de control más directo sobre el comercio petrolero venezolano. Medhurst señala que la marina estadounidense pasó a decidir qué embarcaciones podían entrar o salir de las costas venezolanas y vincula esa situación con los intereses de Chevron sobre las reservas petroleras del país. “Esta adquisición logró dos objetivos cruciales para el Estado Pirata: primero, cortó de inmediato el acceso de China a un socio energético vital”. Lo segundo que consiguió fue garantizar una reserva petrolera bajo control estadounidense en medio de la escalada contra Rusia e Irán. El texto también desarrolla la situación rusa. Estados Unidos y la OTAN incrementaron operaciones contra rutas marítimas utilizadas por Moscú para exportar petróleo hacia Asia. El artículo menciona ataques contra buques, refinerías y centros de exportación durante los primeros meses de 2026. “Estamos presenciando una guerra física por la energía”. Las acciones sobre infraestructura rusa coincidieron con la consolidación de mecanismos de presión sobre Irán. Washington busca dificultar la capacidad de Teherán para sostener exportaciones hacia China en medio de la guerra y de los ataques sobre infraestructura energética y marítima. El artículo cita cifras oficiales chinas para sostener que las importaciones de gas natural registraron una caída significativa durante los primeros meses de 2026. Ese descenso refleja el impacto acumulado de sanciones, bloqueos y conflictos sobre los principales proveedores energéticos de Pekín. La presión sobre Venezuela, Rusia e Irán también apunta a debilitar iniciativas económicas impulsadas por los BRICS y por la Franja y la Ruta china. El control energético se ha convertido en un instrumento central dentro de la disputa por el orden internacional. “Esto le proporciona la influencia necesaria para garantizar la supervivencia del dólar, al tiempo que debilita a los BRICS”. El Estado pirata y la nueva arquitectura del control global La parte final del artículo de Richard Medhurst desarrolla una tesis más amplia sobre la transformación del poder estadounidense en el escenario internacional: Washington ha dejado atrás mecanismos tradicionales de hegemonía económica y avanza hacia formas más directas de coerción vinculadas al control marítimo, energético y financiero. “Estamos presenciando la transición de Estados Unidos de un imperio a un Estado pirata sin ley”. Medhurst utiliza el concepto de “Estado pirata” para describir un esquema basado en bloqueos navales, sanciones extraterritoriales y control corporativo sobre cadenas de suministro estratégicas. La política energética estadounidense ya no depende únicamente de mercados o acuerdos comerciales, sino de la capacidad militar para garantizar rutas, restringir competidores y administrar flujos globales de petróleo y gas. Allí entra el fortalecimiento de la infraestructura marítima estadounidense. Medhurst analiza el llamado Plan de Acción Marítima (MAP), publicado por la Casa Blanca en 2026, como parte de un proyecto orientado a convertir el transporte energético y comercial en un espacio dominado por flotas estadounidenses. El MAP obliga progresivamente a utilizar embarcaciones construidas en Estados Unidos para transportar carga estratégica, incluidos hidrocarburos y gas natural licuado. Ese modelo busca consolidar una red de dependencia logística alrededor del comercio energético internacional. La investigación también examina la relación entre corporaciones energéticas, aparato militar y poder financiero. Chevron aparece constantemente vinculada a operaciones sobre yacimientos de gas y petróleo en distintas regiones, mientras la marina estadounidense asegura corredores marítimos y áreas de extracción. Esa articulación constituye una nueva fase del poder estadounidense sobre los recursos globales. “Todo lo que vemos hoy es el resultado de décadas de planificación entre Washington y Wall Street”, dice Medhurst. Esta estrategia tiene conexión con documentos desarrollados desde comienzos de los años 2000 dentro de la administración Bush. Medhurst recuerda las reuniones impulsadas por Dick Cheney con grandes corporaciones energéticas y cita fragmentos de la Política Energética Nacional de 2001 para sostener que el control sobre las reservas del hemisferio occidental, especialmente las venezolanas, llevaba décadas formando parte de los objetivos estratégicos de Washington. El texto interpreta la Doctrina "Donroe” como una política orientada a trasladar el centro del corredor energético mundial hacia el hemisferio occidental bajo liderazgo estadounidense. En ésta, las guerras recientes, las sanciones y los bloqueos marítimos responden a una misma lógica de reorganización del sistema energético internacional. “El petrodólar ya no existe. Ha sido reemplazado discretamente por un sucesor mucho más letal: el petrogasdólar”, sentencia Medhurst. Los conflictos desarrollados en Europa oriental, Medio Oriente o América Latina forman parte de una misma disputa por el suministro energético global y por la capacidad de sostener la centralidad financiera del dólar en un contexto de transición geopolítica. 13 Mayo 2026, 2:07 pm. Etiquetas:  Estados Unidos, Petróleo, Gas, Dólar, Bloque tematico La guerra del petróleo Foto Sección Globalistán Tendencia Especial Antetítulo En busca de mayor control

هشدار آمریکا به دولت عراق: گروه‌های وابستە بە جمهوری اسلامی باید مهار و خلع سلاح شوند

Le retour des criminels russes d’Africa Corps au PK5 : la traque des commerçants reprend dans le secteur de l’Étoile     Rédigé le . Par : la rédaction de Corbeau News Centrafrique, CNC   Les mercenaires russes, désormais sous l’étiquette Africa Corps   , ont investi le secteur de l’Étoile au PK5 ce mercredi, multipliant les arrestations […] Cet article Le retour des criminels russes d’Africa Corps au PK5 : la traque des commerçants reprend dans le secteur de l’Étoile est apparu en premier sur Corbeau News Centrafrique ou si b il LPP et actualités en République centrafricaine.