2 hours
Ildiko Laskay/Shutterstock The original tall poppies bloomed in the garden of Tarquin the Proud, last king of Rome. To communicate that his enemies should be defeated by killing their leaders, he is said to have decapitated the tallest flowers with a stick. Two and a half thousand years later, “tall poppies” are those among us who rise above the horde through the excellence of their achievements or the boldness of their ambition. Sometimes tall poppies are celebrated, as an array of tall poppy awards attests. Other times they are scorned for their arrogance and envied for their success. Too big for their boots or britches, they must be cut down to size. Aversion to tall poppies is said to be particularly strong in Australia and New Zealand, where the idea of a “tall poppy syndrome” was invented in the 1980s. A tendency to drag down those who set themselves above others, the syndrome supposedly reflects values of equality, humility and the storied “fair go”. But what are the effects of the tall poppy syndrome? What does it tell us about Antipodean cultures? And are we uniquely averse to those who stand out from the crowd? Rome’s final king, the tyrannical Tarquin the Proud, scythes through the tallest poppies in Lawrence Alma-Tadema’s ‘Tarquinius Superbus’. Wikimedia Commons Effects of the tall poppy syndrome Effects of the tall poppy syndrome on work performance and leadership have been studied extensively. In a New Zealand study of prominent entrepreneurs, nearly all reported encountering the syndrome. “If you do achieve something and stick your head up a bit further,” one said, “people will try to chop you down to size.” Dealing with negative responses to success drove some entrepreneurs to adopt specific coping strategies, like staying under the radar and taking pains not to flaunt their success. Tall poppy syndrome doesn’t merely bruise enterprising egos, it can also adversely affect business decisions. The NZ study found public attacks can discourage entrepreneurs from starting or growing a business and from persevering after setbacks. Athletes also report being targets. Some attacks simply reflect anonymous online spite, but tall poppy attitudes also drive aggressive behaviour. One Australian study found that high performing student athletes were often victims of bullying. Cultural underpinnings Harvesting tall poppies may be common in Australia and New Zealand, but there is little evidence that it is unique to us. In Japan, the saying “the nail that sticks out gets hammered down” captures the idea that people should not be conspicuously different. Aksel Sandemose formulated ten rules to discourage anyone from feeling special. Oslo Museum, CC BY-SA The Law of Jante expresses a similar sentiment in Scandinavian countries. Despite being fictitious, invented by Danish-Norwegian novelist Aksel Sandemose, its ten rules dictate that “you’re not to think you are anything special” and “you’re not to imagine yourself better than we are”, among other humbling commandments. These examples are subtly different from each other: the Japanese version presents being different as undesirable; the Nordic version identifies being better or special as undesirable traits. In the more collectivist Japanese context, avoiding displays of individuality helps to preserve social harmony and avoid conflict. In the more individualist Scandinavian context, the key concern is maintaining social equality. The Law of Jante levels out a society where individuality is highly valued but expressions of personal superiority are not. These variations show that aversion to tall poppies can express two distinct values in different cultural settings: conformity via collectivism, and equality via egalitarianism. Values researchers think of egalitarianism in terms of a cultural dimension called “power distance”. Cultures high on this dimension value social hierarchy and accept inequalities. Low cultures prefer more equal social arrangements. Australia tends to score relatively low on power distance, with Scandinavian countries and New Zealand lower still, as well as scoring high on individualism. In this “horizontal” form of individualism, people are meant to strive to be distinct without desiring special status. It is therefore no surprise to find the tall poppy syndrome in these countries. Values in the United States also tend to be highly individualistic, but higher in power distance than in Oceania, a combination known as “vertical individualism”. Vertical individualists also value being distinct from others, but are more comfortable with inequality and with raising themselves above others. American culture leaves more room for tall poppies to reap rewards for their success. PeopleImages.com - Yuri A/Shutterstock As this contrast suggests, Americans favour rewarding tall poppies more strongly than Australians. This aligns with the ethos of the “American Dream”, a cultural narrative that champions ambition and status-seeking, and the full-throated celebration of personal success. The future of the tall poppy syndrome In our age of self-promotion, with social media sites devoted to not-so-humble bragging, have we become immune to the tall poppy syndrome? Are we becoming more comfortable about standing out, or does egalitarianism remain a powerful obstacle? Research finds no increase in levels of narcissism in Australia, in contrast to some evidence of rising levels in the US. By implication, Australians are not becoming more willing to elevate themselves above others. Whether their attitudes to people who do so has changed remains to be seen. More importantly, we should ask if, in times of high and rising inequality, less egalitarianism is something to hope for. No one wants successful athletes to be lashed by public envy – but if the tall poppy syndrome reflects a commitment to social equality, perhaps a complete cure would be worse than the disease. A culture that attacks its tall poppies risks discouraging ambition and innovation, but one that overlooks inequality may lose sight of the collective good. Ultimately, the challenge lies in finding a balance between celebrating individual excellence and maintaining the egalitarian spirit that fosters fairness. Nick Haslam receives funding from the Australian Research Council. Milad Haghani does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Ildiko Laskay/Shutterstock The original tall poppies bloomed in the garden of Tarquin the Proud, last king of Rome. To communicate that his enemies should be defeated by killing their leaders, he is said to have decapitated the tallest flowers with a stick. Two and a half thousand years later, “tall poppies” are those among us who rise above the horde through the excellence of their achievements or the boldness of their ambition. Sometimes tall poppies are celebrated, as an array of tall poppy awards attests. Other times they are scorned for their arrogance and envied for their success. Too big for their boots or britches, they must be cut down to size. Aversion to tall poppies is said to be particularly strong in Australia and New Zealand, where the idea of a “tall poppy syndrome” was invented in the 1980s. A tendency to drag down those who set themselves above others, the syndrome supposedly reflects values of equality, humility and the storied “fair go”. But what are the effects of the tall poppy syndrome? What does it tell us about Antipodean cultures? And are we uniquely averse to those who stand out from the crowd? Rome’s final king, the tyrannical Tarquin the Proud, scythes through the tallest poppies in Lawrence Alma-Tadema’s ‘Tarquinius Superbus’. Wikimedia Commons Effects of the tall poppy syndrome Effects of the tall poppy syndrome on work performance and leadership have been studied extensively. In a New Zealand study of prominent entrepreneurs, nearly all reported encountering the syndrome. “If you do achieve something and stick your head up a bit further,” one said, “people will try to chop you down to size.” Dealing with negative responses to success drove some entrepreneurs to adopt specific coping strategies, like staying under the radar and taking pains not to flaunt their success. Tall poppy syndrome doesn’t merely bruise enterprising egos, it can also adversely affect business decisions. The NZ study found public attacks can discourage entrepreneurs from starting or growing a business and from persevering after setbacks. Athletes also report being targets. Some attacks simply reflect anonymous online spite, but tall poppy attitudes also drive aggressive behaviour. One Australian study found that high performing student athletes were often victims of bullying. Cultural underpinnings Harvesting tall poppies may be common in Australia and New Zealand, but there is little evidence that it is unique to us. In Japan, the saying “the nail that sticks out gets hammered down” captures the idea that people should not be conspicuously different. Aksel Sandemose formulated ten rules to discourage anyone from feeling special. Oslo Museum, CC BY-SA The Law of Jante expresses a similar sentiment in Scandinavian countries. Despite being fictitious, invented by Danish-Norwegian novelist Aksel Sandemose, its ten rules dictate that “you’re not to think you are anything special” and “you’re not to imagine yourself better than we are”, among other humbling commandments. These examples are subtly different from each other: the Japanese version presents being different as undesirable; the Nordic version identifies being better or special as undesirable traits. In the more collectivist Japanese context, avoiding displays of individuality helps to preserve social harmony and avoid conflict. In the more individualist Scandinavian context, the key concern is maintaining social equality. The Law of Jante levels out a society where individuality is highly valued but expressions of personal superiority are not. These variations show that aversion to tall poppies can express two distinct values in different cultural settings: conformity via collectivism, and equality via egalitarianism. Values researchers think of egalitarianism in terms of a cultural dimension called “power distance”. Cultures high on this dimension value social hierarchy and accept inequalities. Low cultures prefer more equal social arrangements. Australia tends to score relatively low on power distance, with Scandinavian countries and New Zealand lower still, as well as scoring high on individualism. In this “horizontal” form of individualism, people are meant to strive to be distinct without desiring special status. It is therefore no surprise to find the tall poppy syndrome in these countries. Values in the United States also tend to be highly individualistic, but higher in power distance than in Oceania, a combination known as “vertical individualism”. Vertical individualists also value being distinct from others, but are more comfortable with inequality and with raising themselves above others. American culture leaves more room for tall poppies to reap rewards for their success. PeopleImages.com - Yuri A/Shutterstock As this contrast suggests, Americans favour rewarding tall poppies more strongly than Australians. This aligns with the ethos of the “American Dream”, a cultural narrative that champions ambition and status-seeking, and the full-throated celebration of personal success. The future of the tall poppy syndrome In our age of self-promotion, with social media sites devoted to not-so-humble bragging, have we become immune to the tall poppy syndrome? Are we becoming more comfortable about standing out, or does egalitarianism remain a powerful obstacle? Research finds no increase in levels of narcissism in Australia, in contrast to some evidence of rising levels in the US. By implication, Australians are not becoming more willing to elevate themselves above others. Whether their attitudes to people who do so has changed remains to be seen. More importantly, we should ask if, in times of high and rising inequality, less egalitarianism is something to hope for. No one wants successful athletes to be lashed by public envy – but if the tall poppy syndrome reflects a commitment to social equality, perhaps a complete cure would be worse than the disease. A culture that attacks its tall poppies risks discouraging ambition and innovation, but one that overlooks inequality may lose sight of the collective good. Ultimately, the challenge lies in finding a balance between celebrating individual excellence and maintaining the egalitarian spirit that fosters fairness. Nick Haslam receives funding from the Australian Research Council. Milad Haghani does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
2 hours
The Alaska Legislature has voted to allow teenagers as young as 18 to serve alcohol in the state. On Wednesday, the Alaska House of Representatives voted 32-8 to pass Senate Bill 15, which lowers the minimum alcohol-serving age in restaurants, breweries, wineries, distilleries, resorts and similar businesses. The minimum age to serve alcohol at a […]
The Alaska Legislature has voted to allow teenagers as young as 18 to serve alcohol in the state. On Wednesday, the Alaska House of Representatives voted 32-8 to pass Senate Bill 15, which lowers the minimum alcohol-serving age in restaurants, breweries, wineries, distilleries, resorts and similar businesses. The minimum age to serve alcohol at a […]
2 hours
Sign up for Chalkbeat Tennessee’s free newsletter to keep up with statewide education policy and Memphis-Shelby County Schools. Different visions for intervention in Memphis-Shelby County Schools have emerged at the state legislature and local level. One proposal in the House would take power away from the elected school board for at least four years, giving oversight of the school district to a state-appointed board of local residents. A proposal in the Senate would give the Shelby County Commission greater control over the school district — at a time when commissioners have already proposed creating an advisory board to consult with the school board. Controversy over district leadership intensified after the current school board fired Superintendent Marie Feagins in January after a nine-month tenure that had been preceded by an 18-month search process. But community leaders are divided about what type of intervention is needed. One path would give Shelby County Commission more power The Senate bill would give the state the power to remove school board members and district leaders in MSCS — and put the choice of their replacements into the hands of the Shelby County Commission. The bill, brought by Republican Sen. Brent Taylor of Memphis, advanced past the Senate Education Committee last week. “(MSCS has) a school board that is as credible as my mother’s Facebook page,” Taylor said during a debate of the bill last week. “If they’re incompetent to do the job, then they have to be held accountable.” While the Senate proposal is aimed at Memphis-Shelby County Schools, it would apply statewide to districts that do not meet grade-level expectations in state assessments of math and English, and where at least 50% of students come from low-income families. For districts meeting both thresholds, the state Commissioner of Education could recommend the removal of the superintendent and some or all of the school board members. The state Board of Education would need to approve these recommendations. County commissioners would then appoint the replacement school board members to serve until the next election. If there has been substantial turnover of superintendents — at least three leaders in three years, as is the case in MSCS — the bill would also allow the county mayor to recommend that the County Commission appoint a superintendent. That superintendent would need to serve for at least four years. The state commissioner of education could also recommend converting one or more existing public schools in the district into a charter school. Democratic Sen. Raumesh Akbari challenged the targeting of the Memphis-Shelby County School District. Her amendment to remove the economic threshold in the bill failed. “We already have laws on the books right now. If a school district is deliberately disobeying the law, if they have serious financial malfeasance, they can already be taken over and removed,” she said. “This is a constitutionally questionable piece of legislation that, in my mind, punishes districts that have students who are in poverty.” Sen. Taylor said the bill aimed to provide more help to students in economically disadvantaged areas. Dolores Rivers, a retired MSCS teacher, testified against the legislation last week. “We deserve the chance to build solutions from within, not have them imposed from above,” Rivers said. “Instead of fighting among us and among each other, we need you to fight with us.” Other community members asked the education committee to support the bill. “Others have said, ‘Let’s keep this local,‘” said Charles Lambkin of education advocacy group Memphis Lift. “We’ve demonstrated that we cannot even manage this situation at a local level.” The Senate version of the bill passed 8-1 and will be heard next in the Senate Finance, Ways and Means Committee. Another path would strip the current school board of most of its powers A bill proposed by Republican Rep. Mark White of Memphis would establish a state-appointed panel of nine local residents to oversee MSCS, stripping away most powers currently held by the school board. Under the legislation, the state-appointed board could require the elected school board and district administrators to “take certain actions,” or prohibit them from taking others. The MSCS school board could still appoint a superintendent — but the state-appointed board would have veto power. The new board would also decide how and when the elected school board can convene. School board members, who were divided on ousting Feagins as superintendent, have banded together to push against this bill proposal, arguing it violates the democratic voting process. An amendment to narrow the bill more specifically to Memphis went through on Wednesday, though it would allow the state to similarly intervene in school districts that meet all of the following thresholds: At least 30% of district-managed schools receive a failing grade from the state. At least 25% of students are chronically absent in the district. The associated county legislative body approves a resolution declaring no confidence in the district’s school board. After four years, the state education commissioner could gather local feedback and decide whether to extend the oversight board’s authority for two more years. White said other intervention efforts — like a forensic audit of MSCS — are a start, but he wants to see a bigger change. “I just don’t think we can continue to wait more years, waiting on the next election and hopefully get in another board,” he said. “I’m just tired of wasting our young people’s lives, they’re coming out of school every year in our community.” Rachel Spriggs, with the The Equity Alliance, a nonprofit aimed at increasing economic and political power for Black residents, said Memphis needs more funding — not “state overreach.” If anything, she said she supports an advisory board that wouldn’t take away decision-making power from the elected school board. The Shelby County Commission recently debated a resolution to create just that — but delayed a final vote on the matter earlier this week. The Shelby County Commission has also discussed rescinding its funding allocation for a forensic audit and its vote of no-confidence in the elected school board, though these decisions are still up in the air. The House Education Committee voted Wednesday 15-4 to advance the bill to the House Finance, Means, and Ways Committee. Significant differences in the House and Senate versions would need to be reconciled before legislation could be voted into law, however. Another bill, which would allow Memphis to align the elections of school board members to its County Commission and establish term-limits on members, also moved to the House Finance, Ways and Means Committee. That’s designed to increase voter turnout for the school board, though elections could be mostly moot for multiple years if Rep. White’s proposal moves forward. 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Sign up for Chalkbeat Tennessee’s free newsletter to keep up with statewide education policy and Memphis-Shelby County Schools. Different visions for intervention in Memphis-Shelby County Schools have emerged at the state legislature and local level. One proposal in the House would take power away from the elected school board for at least four years, giving oversight of the school district to a state-appointed board of local residents. A proposal in the Senate would give the Shelby County Commission greater control over the school district — at a time when commissioners have already proposed creating an advisory board to consult with the school board. Controversy over district leadership intensified after the current school board fired Superintendent Marie Feagins in January after a nine-month tenure that had been preceded by an 18-month search process. But community leaders are divided about what type of intervention is needed. One path would give Shelby County Commission more power The Senate bill would give the state the power to remove school board members and district leaders in MSCS — and put the choice of their replacements into the hands of the Shelby County Commission. The bill, brought by Republican Sen. Brent Taylor of Memphis, advanced past the Senate Education Committee last week. “(MSCS has) a school board that is as credible as my mother’s Facebook page,” Taylor said during a debate of the bill last week. “If they’re incompetent to do the job, then they have to be held accountable.” While the Senate proposal is aimed at Memphis-Shelby County Schools, it would apply statewide to districts that do not meet grade-level expectations in state assessments of math and English, and where at least 50% of students come from low-income families. For districts meeting both thresholds, the state Commissioner of Education could recommend the removal of the superintendent and some or all of the school board members. The state Board of Education would need to approve these recommendations. County commissioners would then appoint the replacement school board members to serve until the next election. If there has been substantial turnover of superintendents — at least three leaders in three years, as is the case in MSCS — the bill would also allow the county mayor to recommend that the County Commission appoint a superintendent. That superintendent would need to serve for at least four years. The state commissioner of education could also recommend converting one or more existing public schools in the district into a charter school. Democratic Sen. Raumesh Akbari challenged the targeting of the Memphis-Shelby County School District. Her amendment to remove the economic threshold in the bill failed. “We already have laws on the books right now. If a school district is deliberately disobeying the law, if they have serious financial malfeasance, they can already be taken over and removed,” she said. “This is a constitutionally questionable piece of legislation that, in my mind, punishes districts that have students who are in poverty.” Sen. Taylor said the bill aimed to provide more help to students in economically disadvantaged areas. Dolores Rivers, a retired MSCS teacher, testified against the legislation last week. “We deserve the chance to build solutions from within, not have them imposed from above,” Rivers said. “Instead of fighting among us and among each other, we need you to fight with us.” Other community members asked the education committee to support the bill. “Others have said, ‘Let’s keep this local,‘” said Charles Lambkin of education advocacy group Memphis Lift. “We’ve demonstrated that we cannot even manage this situation at a local level.” The Senate version of the bill passed 8-1 and will be heard next in the Senate Finance, Ways and Means Committee. Another path would strip the current school board of most of its powers A bill proposed by Republican Rep. Mark White of Memphis would establish a state-appointed panel of nine local residents to oversee MSCS, stripping away most powers currently held by the school board. Under the legislation, the state-appointed board could require the elected school board and district administrators to “take certain actions,” or prohibit them from taking others. The MSCS school board could still appoint a superintendent — but the state-appointed board would have veto power. The new board would also decide how and when the elected school board can convene. School board members, who were divided on ousting Feagins as superintendent, have banded together to push against this bill proposal, arguing it violates the democratic voting process. An amendment to narrow the bill more specifically to Memphis went through on Wednesday, though it would allow the state to similarly intervene in school districts that meet all of the following thresholds: At least 30% of district-managed schools receive a failing grade from the state. At least 25% of students are chronically absent in the district. The associated county legislative body approves a resolution declaring no confidence in the district’s school board. After four years, the state education commissioner could gather local feedback and decide whether to extend the oversight board’s authority for two more years. White said other intervention efforts — like a forensic audit of MSCS — are a start, but he wants to see a bigger change. “I just don’t think we can continue to wait more years, waiting on the next election and hopefully get in another board,” he said. “I’m just tired of wasting our young people’s lives, they’re coming out of school every year in our community.” Rachel Spriggs, with the The Equity Alliance, a nonprofit aimed at increasing economic and political power for Black residents, said Memphis needs more funding — not “state overreach.” If anything, she said she supports an advisory board that wouldn’t take away decision-making power from the elected school board. The Shelby County Commission recently debated a resolution to create just that — but delayed a final vote on the matter earlier this week. The Shelby County Commission has also discussed rescinding its funding allocation for a forensic audit and its vote of no-confidence in the elected school board, though these decisions are still up in the air. The House Education Committee voted Wednesday 15-4 to advance the bill to the House Finance, Means, and Ways Committee. Significant differences in the House and Senate versions would need to be reconciled before legislation could be voted into law, however. Another bill, which would allow Memphis to align the elections of school board members to its County Commission and establish term-limits on members, also moved to the House Finance, Ways and Means Committee. That’s designed to increase voter turnout for the school board, though elections could be mostly moot for multiple years if Rep. White’s proposal moves forward. 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2 hours
Tras vencer 1-0 al Everton con gol de Jota, los actuales líderes de la Premier amplían su ventaja a 12 puntos y podrían coronarse campeones en un mes.
Tras vencer 1-0 al Everton con gol de Jota, los actuales líderes de la Premier amplían su ventaja a 12 puntos y podrían coronarse campeones en un mes.
2 hours
Rafah a de nouveau été vidée de ses habitants. Israël a ordonné à la population de quitter cette région du sud de la bande de Gaza. L’État hébreu annonce l’extension de ses opérations militaires et la « saisie de larges zones » du territoire palestinien, sous couvert de lutte contre le Hamas. Résultat : la population gazaouie est condamnée à errer dans l’enclave palestinienne.
Rafah a de nouveau été vidée de ses habitants. Israël a ordonné à la population de quitter cette région du sud de la bande de Gaza. L’État hébreu annonce l’extension de ses opérations militaires et la « saisie de larges zones » du territoire palestinien, sous couvert de lutte contre le Hamas. Résultat : la population gazaouie est condamnée à errer dans l’enclave palestinienne.
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Бул таңкы берүү Бишкек убакыты боюнча саат 08:00ден 09:00га чейин обого чыгарылат.
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Бул таңкы берүү Бишкек убакыты боюнча саат 08:00ден 09:00га чейин обого чыгарылат.
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Bakarkako ibilbidea eta taldekakoa uztartzen ditu Gaizka Insunzak (Gernika-Lumo, Bizkaia, 1978). Audience taldeko partaidea da, eta, esan duenez, horrek du lehentasuna beretzat. Baina kideen berotik aldendu ere egiten da, eta bakarkako lanean murgiltzeko aprobetxatzen du tarte hori. Iaz diskoa atera berri du, bere ibilbideko bigarren albuma. Bost urte bete dira aurten lehen diskoa atera zuenetik, ingelesezko hitzekin. Orain, ordea, euskaraz sortu du Insunzak. Bilboko Kafe Antzokian ariko da gaur, 20:15ean. Bakarkako bigarren lana duzu Iaz diskoa. Zer aurkituko du entzuleak? Lehenengo diskoa oso zaila zen zuzenean defendatzea, eta bigarren proiektu bati heltzeko gogoa neukan. Bertan, pentsatzen nuen saiakera bat egin behar nuela abestiak ahalik eta soilen edo biluzien janzteko, gero zuzenekoan erraztasun gehiago edukitzeko. Bestalde, uste dut nire alde amesti bat erakusten duela diskoak. Pandemia garaian grabatuta dago, eta isolamendu puntu bat nabaritzen da. Audiencerekin talde dinamikan lan egitera ohituta nago. Hemen, aldiz, argi ikusten dut neure burua. Nire etxean konposatu nituen abesti gehienak, eta grabatu arte ez nizkion inori erakutsi. Diskoa geldoa eta erreflexiboa da, eta unibertso propio bat erakusten du. 2020an grabatu zenuen diskoa, pandemia betean. Izurriaren eragina senti daiteke diskoan? Pandemian grabatu izanak isolamendu puntu bat ematen dio, bai. Baina nire izaeragatik, pentsatzen dut isolamendu puntu hori agerikoa izango zela pandemiarik gabe ere. Brian Wilsonek badauka abesti famatu bat In my room izenekoa [Nire gelan]. Eta horrelako zerbait antzeman daiteke diskoan: ni neure gelan, nire ideiekin, nire unibertsoa sortuz, nire arau propioak sortuz... Lehen albumean ere abestiak diskoa atera baino askoz lehenago grabatu zenituen. Zer dela eta? Taldearekin eta bakarka aritzen naiz, eta badakit proiektu bakoitzak bere lekua behar duela promozio apur bat egiteko. Audience martxan dagoenean ez naiz gai nire proiektua behar bezala defendatzeko. Audience da lehentasuna niretzat, eta une egokia bilatzen saiatzen naiz bakarkako lanak ateratzeko. Talde batekin murgildu ezin zaitezkeen mundu pertsonal horretan murgiltzeko aukera ematen dizu bakarkako lan batek? Baietz uste dut. Lehenengo aldia da proiektu osoa euskaraz egin dudana, eta, niri neuri, hizkuntzak baldintzatu egiten dit zer esaten dudan. Ingelesez mozorrotuta sentitzen naiz, ezkutu bat izango banu bezala. Niretzat oso desberdina da oholtzan I love you esatea mozorroarekin, gitarra elektrikoa eskuetan eta taldekideekin batera, edo maite zaitut esatea. Euskarak beste kode bat ematen dit idazteko garaian. Isolamenduaren kontzeptua ageri da abesti batzuetan, eta nire egoera emozionalak ere bultzatu ninduen era pertsonalagoan idaztera. Hortaz, bai. Barrura begiratzen duen disko bat dela esan daiteke. «Lehenengo aldia da proiektu osoa euskaraz egin dudana, eta, niri neuri, hizkuntzak baldintzatu egiten dit zer esaten dudan. Ingelesez, mozorrotuta sentitzen naiz, ezkutu bat izango banu bezala» Nahita egindako hautua izan da euskara hutsean abestea? Bai. Ni euskalduna naiz; euskaraz lan egiten dut, eta euskaraz bizi naiz. Baina abesteko garaian ingelesa ateratzen zait, era naturalean. Txikitatik izan ditugu etxean ingelesez abesten duten taldeen diskoak: Bob Dylan, David Bowie, The Beatles, The Rolling Stones... horrela hurbildu nintzen ni musikara, eta niretzat errazagoa da oholtzan ingelesez abestea. Izan ere, oholtzara igotzeko pertsonaia bat sortzen baduzu, geroz eta urrunago zaude zeure buruarengandik. Eta zeure burua defendatzea baino errazagoa da pertsonaia bat defendatzea. Audiencen, hizkuntzaren kontua atzetik jarraika geneukan mamu bat bezalakoa izan da. Disko bat ateratzeko orduan, berehala zetorren galdera: «Gernikarrak izanda, zergatik ingelesa?». Atzera begira jarri izan naiz, eta ikusi dut modu askotan erantzun dudala galdera hori; neure burua justifikatzen ari nintzela sentitu dut. Baina, era berean, nik euskararekin konpromiso bat daukat, eta ikusten dut galdera hori egitea zilegi dela. Horregatik, nahita egin dut euskaraz diskoa. Ruben Garateak jotzen du akordeoia, baina gainerako instrumentu guztien ardura zurea da. Joera aldaketa bat gertatzen ari dela ikusi dut. Gaur egun erraz sar daiteke instrumentu baten doinua instrumentua bera jo gabe. Batzuetan beldurra daukat, ez dudalako musika egiteko modu hori kritikatu nahi. Guztiz zilegi da nik gitarrarekin edo pianoarekin egiten dudana beste batek ordenagailuarekin egitea. Baina ni beti egon naiz korronte orokorretatik aldenduta. 50eko, 60ko eta 70eko hamarkadetako musika izan da nire oinarri musikala, eta horrekin hazi naiz ni. Gainera, niri ez zait musika editatzea gustatzen. Desafinazio txikiren bat badago, horrela uztea nahi dut. Nik ideia bat daukat, non nire musika argazki bat den. Bertan gerri bueltako mamiekin ageri banaiz, niri ispiluan begiratzea eta neure burua maitatzea gustatzen zait. Eta musikarekin ere, berdin. Horrek gizatasun puntu bat ematen dio kantuari. Gizakiok akatsak egiten ditugu, eta musikan ere islatu behar da hori. «Guztiz zilegi da nik gitarrarekin edo pianoarekin egiten dudana beste batek ordenagailuarekin egitea. Baina ni beti egon naiz korronte orokorretatik aldenduta» Iazz abestia instrumentala da, eta jazz kutsu nabarmena du. Hor aurkitzen zara erosoen? Bai, eroso sentitzen naiz. Kantu bat sortzerakoan, musika egiten inbertitzen dut denbora gehien. Baita ahotsaren melodia egiten ere. Baina hitzak egitea kostatzen zait gehien. Eta bertan, akaso, ingelesa erabiltzeak babestu egiten nau, rockaren formularen pean ezkutatuta. Abesti honen kasuan, oso harro gelditu naiz. Konplexua dela esango nuke, eta asko gustatu zait nola gelditu den. Haur baten soinuak entzun daitezke Kantu bat zuretzat abestian. Aita zara; haurrari zuzendutako kantua da, akaso? Hala da, bai. Nire alabaren soinuak dira entzuten direnak. 2020an grabatutako abestiak dira, baina azken xehetasunak diskoa kaleratu baino aste batzuk lehenago egin genituen. Abestiaren letrak harreman berri bat irudika dezakeela iruditzen zait; harreman horren hasieran sortzen diren une magikoak. Hala ere, ez zait abesti baten esanahia inposatzea gustatzen, bakoitzarentzat esanahi desberdin bat izan baitezake. Nire buruan esanahi bat zeukan abestiak, baina nire alabaren soinuak gehituta, beste bat hartu du. Aurreko bakarkako diskoak pandemia betean harrapatu zintuen. Orain Bilboko Kafe Antzokian arituko zara. Nola sentitzen zara? Saiatu nintzen diskoa zuzenekoan jotzeko modukoa izan zedin. Baina grabazio garaian tentazioak izan nituen, eta zaila izango da oholtzan defendatzea [barrez]. Teklatua, gitarra eta harmonika eramango ditut, eta horiekin eta ahotsarekin ariko naiz. Lehenengo eta bigarren diskoko abestiak joko ditut, bakarrik egonda errepertorioa aldakorra izatea errazagoa baita. Kuadrilla giroa sortzen ahaleginduko naiz. Lagunartean nagoenean beti eskatzen didate: «Gaizka, jo abeslari honen kanta hau!», eta giro hori irudikatu nahiko nuke. Ez da erraza Kafe Antzokiko oholtzara igo eta zure abestiak defendatzea. Baina ondo prestatuta daukat, eta ziur nago entzuleak gozatuko duela!
Bakarkako ibilbidea eta taldekakoa uztartzen ditu Gaizka Insunzak (Gernika-Lumo, Bizkaia, 1978). Audience taldeko partaidea da, eta, esan duenez, horrek du lehentasuna beretzat. Baina kideen berotik aldendu ere egiten da, eta bakarkako lanean murgiltzeko aprobetxatzen du tarte hori. Iaz diskoa atera berri du, bere ibilbideko bigarren albuma. Bost urte bete dira aurten lehen diskoa atera zuenetik, ingelesezko hitzekin. Orain, ordea, euskaraz sortu du Insunzak. Bilboko Kafe Antzokian ariko da gaur, 20:15ean. Bakarkako bigarren lana duzu Iaz diskoa. Zer aurkituko du entzuleak? Lehenengo diskoa oso zaila zen zuzenean defendatzea, eta bigarren proiektu bati heltzeko gogoa neukan. Bertan, pentsatzen nuen saiakera bat egin behar nuela abestiak ahalik eta soilen edo biluzien janzteko, gero zuzenekoan erraztasun gehiago edukitzeko. Bestalde, uste dut nire alde amesti bat erakusten duela diskoak. Pandemia garaian grabatuta dago, eta isolamendu puntu bat nabaritzen da. Audiencerekin talde dinamikan lan egitera ohituta nago. Hemen, aldiz, argi ikusten dut neure burua. Nire etxean konposatu nituen abesti gehienak, eta grabatu arte ez nizkion inori erakutsi. Diskoa geldoa eta erreflexiboa da, eta unibertso propio bat erakusten du. 2020an grabatu zenuen diskoa, pandemia betean. Izurriaren eragina senti daiteke diskoan? Pandemian grabatu izanak isolamendu puntu bat ematen dio, bai. Baina nire izaeragatik, pentsatzen dut isolamendu puntu hori agerikoa izango zela pandemiarik gabe ere. Brian Wilsonek badauka abesti famatu bat In my room izenekoa [Nire gelan]. Eta horrelako zerbait antzeman daiteke diskoan: ni neure gelan, nire ideiekin, nire unibertsoa sortuz, nire arau propioak sortuz... Lehen albumean ere abestiak diskoa atera baino askoz lehenago grabatu zenituen. Zer dela eta? Taldearekin eta bakarka aritzen naiz, eta badakit proiektu bakoitzak bere lekua behar duela promozio apur bat egiteko. Audience martxan dagoenean ez naiz gai nire proiektua behar bezala defendatzeko. Audience da lehentasuna niretzat, eta une egokia bilatzen saiatzen naiz bakarkako lanak ateratzeko. Talde batekin murgildu ezin zaitezkeen mundu pertsonal horretan murgiltzeko aukera ematen dizu bakarkako lan batek? Baietz uste dut. Lehenengo aldia da proiektu osoa euskaraz egin dudana, eta, niri neuri, hizkuntzak baldintzatu egiten dit zer esaten dudan. Ingelesez mozorrotuta sentitzen naiz, ezkutu bat izango banu bezala. Niretzat oso desberdina da oholtzan I love you esatea mozorroarekin, gitarra elektrikoa eskuetan eta taldekideekin batera, edo maite zaitut esatea. Euskarak beste kode bat ematen dit idazteko garaian. Isolamenduaren kontzeptua ageri da abesti batzuetan, eta nire egoera emozionalak ere bultzatu ninduen era pertsonalagoan idaztera. Hortaz, bai. Barrura begiratzen duen disko bat dela esan daiteke. «Lehenengo aldia da proiektu osoa euskaraz egin dudana, eta, niri neuri, hizkuntzak baldintzatu egiten dit zer esaten dudan. Ingelesez, mozorrotuta sentitzen naiz, ezkutu bat izango banu bezala» Nahita egindako hautua izan da euskara hutsean abestea? Bai. Ni euskalduna naiz; euskaraz lan egiten dut, eta euskaraz bizi naiz. Baina abesteko garaian ingelesa ateratzen zait, era naturalean. Txikitatik izan ditugu etxean ingelesez abesten duten taldeen diskoak: Bob Dylan, David Bowie, The Beatles, The Rolling Stones... horrela hurbildu nintzen ni musikara, eta niretzat errazagoa da oholtzan ingelesez abestea. Izan ere, oholtzara igotzeko pertsonaia bat sortzen baduzu, geroz eta urrunago zaude zeure buruarengandik. Eta zeure burua defendatzea baino errazagoa da pertsonaia bat defendatzea. Audiencen, hizkuntzaren kontua atzetik jarraika geneukan mamu bat bezalakoa izan da. Disko bat ateratzeko orduan, berehala zetorren galdera: «Gernikarrak izanda, zergatik ingelesa?». Atzera begira jarri izan naiz, eta ikusi dut modu askotan erantzun dudala galdera hori; neure burua justifikatzen ari nintzela sentitu dut. Baina, era berean, nik euskararekin konpromiso bat daukat, eta ikusten dut galdera hori egitea zilegi dela. Horregatik, nahita egin dut euskaraz diskoa. Ruben Garateak jotzen du akordeoia, baina gainerako instrumentu guztien ardura zurea da. Joera aldaketa bat gertatzen ari dela ikusi dut. Gaur egun erraz sar daiteke instrumentu baten doinua instrumentua bera jo gabe. Batzuetan beldurra daukat, ez dudalako musika egiteko modu hori kritikatu nahi. Guztiz zilegi da nik gitarrarekin edo pianoarekin egiten dudana beste batek ordenagailuarekin egitea. Baina ni beti egon naiz korronte orokorretatik aldenduta. 50eko, 60ko eta 70eko hamarkadetako musika izan da nire oinarri musikala, eta horrekin hazi naiz ni. Gainera, niri ez zait musika editatzea gustatzen. Desafinazio txikiren bat badago, horrela uztea nahi dut. Nik ideia bat daukat, non nire musika argazki bat den. Bertan gerri bueltako mamiekin ageri banaiz, niri ispiluan begiratzea eta neure burua maitatzea gustatzen zait. Eta musikarekin ere, berdin. Horrek gizatasun puntu bat ematen dio kantuari. Gizakiok akatsak egiten ditugu, eta musikan ere islatu behar da hori. «Guztiz zilegi da nik gitarrarekin edo pianoarekin egiten dudana beste batek ordenagailuarekin egitea. Baina ni beti egon naiz korronte orokorretatik aldenduta» Iazz abestia instrumentala da, eta jazz kutsu nabarmena du. Hor aurkitzen zara erosoen? Bai, eroso sentitzen naiz. Kantu bat sortzerakoan, musika egiten inbertitzen dut denbora gehien. Baita ahotsaren melodia egiten ere. Baina hitzak egitea kostatzen zait gehien. Eta bertan, akaso, ingelesa erabiltzeak babestu egiten nau, rockaren formularen pean ezkutatuta. Abesti honen kasuan, oso harro gelditu naiz. Konplexua dela esango nuke, eta asko gustatu zait nola gelditu den. Haur baten soinuak entzun daitezke Kantu bat zuretzat abestian. Aita zara; haurrari zuzendutako kantua da, akaso? Hala da, bai. Nire alabaren soinuak dira entzuten direnak. 2020an grabatutako abestiak dira, baina azken xehetasunak diskoa kaleratu baino aste batzuk lehenago egin genituen. Abestiaren letrak harreman berri bat irudika dezakeela iruditzen zait; harreman horren hasieran sortzen diren une magikoak. Hala ere, ez zait abesti baten esanahia inposatzea gustatzen, bakoitzarentzat esanahi desberdin bat izan baitezake. Nire buruan esanahi bat zeukan abestiak, baina nire alabaren soinuak gehituta, beste bat hartu du. Aurreko bakarkako diskoak pandemia betean harrapatu zintuen. Orain Bilboko Kafe Antzokian arituko zara. Nola sentitzen zara? Saiatu nintzen diskoa zuzenekoan jotzeko modukoa izan zedin. Baina grabazio garaian tentazioak izan nituen, eta zaila izango da oholtzan defendatzea [barrez]. Teklatua, gitarra eta harmonika eramango ditut, eta horiekin eta ahotsarekin ariko naiz. Lehenengo eta bigarren diskoko abestiak joko ditut, bakarrik egonda errepertorioa aldakorra izatea errazagoa baita. Kuadrilla giroa sortzen ahaleginduko naiz. Lagunartean nagoenean beti eskatzen didate: «Gaizka, jo abeslari honen kanta hau!», eta giro hori irudikatu nahiko nuke. Ez da erraza Kafe Antzokiko oholtzara igo eta zure abestiak defendatzea. Baina ondo prestatuta daukat, eta ziur nago entzuleak gozatuko duela!
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Bidasoa ibaia zeharkatzen duten migratzaileak, Balkanetako gerraren ondorenak, AEBetako eskubide zibilen aldeko borroka, Pakistango pertsona gorrak, Argentinako mobilizazioak, Nigeriako hirigintza eredu neoliberala... Beste urte batez, mundua alderik alde zeharkatzen duten eta giza eskubideekin lotura duten auziei buruzko filmak bildu ditu Donostiako Giza Eskubideen Zinemaldiak. Gaur hasi eta hilaren 11ra arte, 25 herrialdetako 48 film bistaratuko ditu jaialdiak, eta Helena Taberna zinemagileak bere ibilbide osoa aitortuko dion sari berezia jasoko du aurten, festibalaren 21. aldian. Asier Urbietaren Faisaien irla euskarazko filmak inauguratuko du jaialdia, Donostiako Viktoria Eugenia antzokian. Zuzendariak Bidasoa ibaia gurutzatzen duten migratzaileak hartu ditu ardatz bere lehen film luzean, eta Jone Laspiur, Sambou Diaby, Itziar Ituño eta Josean Bengoetxea bildu ditu aktore taldean. Jaialdia ixteko, berriz, India Donaldson estatubatuarrak zuzendutako Good One ekoizpen estatubatuarra programatu dute; lehiaz kanpo emango dute, Viktoria Eugenian hori ere, film luze eta laburren sariak banatuko dituzten ekitaldian. Zinemaldiari amaiera emateko ekitaldian egingo diote Tabernari ere bere ibilbide osoaren aitortza. Inaugurazioaren eta bukaerako galaren artean egingo dituzte beste film guztien emanaldiak, Viktoria Eugenian gehienak, baina baita Antzoki Zaharrean —tartean, Zinema eta Biktimologiako II. Ziklokoak zein ikasleentzako proiekzioak— eta Tabakaleran ere —Zinema eta Memoria zikloko hiru film bistaratuko dituzte—. Denera, 25 film luze eta 23 labur izango dira, eta, ia egunero, protagonisten, zinemagileen eta landutako gaietan adituak direnen solasaldiekin osatuko dituzte saioak. Hiru erakusketa eta bi mahai inguru ere antolatu dituzte jaialdian. Uztartuta azaldu dituzte zinema eta gizarte eragiletza antolatzaileek: «Zinemaldiaren helburua da kalitatezko zinemaren bidez giza eskubideen defentsaren eta urraketaren hainbat alderdiri buruzko hausnarketa, sentsibilizazioa eta eztabaida bultzatzea, baita justizia eta ekitate sozialarekin konprometitutako herritartasun aktiboa sustatzen laguntzea ere». Hiru sail nagusi Film luzeen Sail Ofizialean hamabost lan erakutsiko dituzte, eta haietatik hamabi izango dira lehian. Azken horien artean, Faisaien irla-rekin batera, beste bi euskal ekoizpen izango dira: Lara Izagirreren Empoderío, eta Paula Iglesias eta Marta Gomezen Flying Hands —bi horien emanaldien ondotik, solasaldiak izango dira zuzendariekin—. Munduko beste bazter batzuetatik helduko dira Donostiara lehiatuko diren gainerako filmak: Monica Taboada-Tapiaren Alma del desierto (Kolonbia-Brasil); Susanne Rostocken Following Harry (AEB); Boris Lojkineren L'Histoire de Souleymane (Frantzia); Lidija Zelovicen Home Game (Herbehereak); The Agbajowo Collectiveren The Legend of the Vagabond Queen of Lagos (Nigeria-Alemania-Hegoafrika-AEB); Bogdan Mureşanuren Anul Nou care n-a fost / The New Year That Never Came (Errumania-Serbia); Ted Passonen Patrice: The Movie (AEB); Luciana Kaplanen Tratado de invisibilidad (Mexiko); eta Jiri Madlen Waves Vlny / Waves (Txekiako Errepublika-Eslovakia). Horietaz gain, bukaerako filma ez ezik, Camilo de Castro eta Brad Allgooden Patrullaje (Nikaragua-AEB) eta Carlos Castroren Éramos tan flacos ere (Argentina) emango dituzte sail berean, lehiaz kanpo. Film laburrei dagokienez, berriz, hamabi izenburu jaso dituzte Nazioarteko Film Laburren Sail Ofizialean —Brasil, Iran, Palestina, Espainia, Norvegia eta Italiako lanak daude tartean, besteak beste—, eta beste zortzi Euskal Film Laburren Sail Ofizialean. Azken horien artean, zazpi izango dira lehian: 16060 egun (Iñaki Alforja, Iban Toledo), Azkena (Ane Ines Landeta, Lorea Lyons), Capitanes (Kevin Castellano, Edu Hirschfeld), Errotatiba (Iratxe Fresneda), Gure oilarra kanpoan da (Carlota Galilea), Locas del ático (Tamara Garcia Iglesias), eta Patrimonio (Aitor Abio). Nagore Ezeizaren Zona Wao lehiaz kanpo erakutsiko dute. Hiru sail horietakoak ez ezik, Amnesty International Saria ere banatuko dute.
Bidasoa ibaia zeharkatzen duten migratzaileak, Balkanetako gerraren ondorenak, AEBetako eskubide zibilen aldeko borroka, Pakistango pertsona gorrak, Argentinako mobilizazioak, Nigeriako hirigintza eredu neoliberala... Beste urte batez, mundua alderik alde zeharkatzen duten eta giza eskubideekin lotura duten auziei buruzko filmak bildu ditu Donostiako Giza Eskubideen Zinemaldiak. Gaur hasi eta hilaren 11ra arte, 25 herrialdetako 48 film bistaratuko ditu jaialdiak, eta Helena Taberna zinemagileak bere ibilbide osoa aitortuko dion sari berezia jasoko du aurten, festibalaren 21. aldian. Asier Urbietaren Faisaien irla euskarazko filmak inauguratuko du jaialdia, Donostiako Viktoria Eugenia antzokian. Zuzendariak Bidasoa ibaia gurutzatzen duten migratzaileak hartu ditu ardatz bere lehen film luzean, eta Jone Laspiur, Sambou Diaby, Itziar Ituño eta Josean Bengoetxea bildu ditu aktore taldean. Jaialdia ixteko, berriz, India Donaldson estatubatuarrak zuzendutako Good One ekoizpen estatubatuarra programatu dute; lehiaz kanpo emango dute, Viktoria Eugenian hori ere, film luze eta laburren sariak banatuko dituzten ekitaldian. Zinemaldiari amaiera emateko ekitaldian egingo diote Tabernari ere bere ibilbide osoaren aitortza. Inaugurazioaren eta bukaerako galaren artean egingo dituzte beste film guztien emanaldiak, Viktoria Eugenian gehienak, baina baita Antzoki Zaharrean —tartean, Zinema eta Biktimologiako II. Ziklokoak zein ikasleentzako proiekzioak— eta Tabakaleran ere —Zinema eta Memoria zikloko hiru film bistaratuko dituzte—. Denera, 25 film luze eta 23 labur izango dira, eta, ia egunero, protagonisten, zinemagileen eta landutako gaietan adituak direnen solasaldiekin osatuko dituzte saioak. Hiru erakusketa eta bi mahai inguru ere antolatu dituzte jaialdian. Uztartuta azaldu dituzte zinema eta gizarte eragiletza antolatzaileek: «Zinemaldiaren helburua da kalitatezko zinemaren bidez giza eskubideen defentsaren eta urraketaren hainbat alderdiri buruzko hausnarketa, sentsibilizazioa eta eztabaida bultzatzea, baita justizia eta ekitate sozialarekin konprometitutako herritartasun aktiboa sustatzen laguntzea ere». Hiru sail nagusi Film luzeen Sail Ofizialean hamabost lan erakutsiko dituzte, eta haietatik hamabi izango dira lehian. Azken horien artean, Faisaien irla-rekin batera, beste bi euskal ekoizpen izango dira: Lara Izagirreren Empoderío, eta Paula Iglesias eta Marta Gomezen Flying Hands —bi horien emanaldien ondotik, solasaldiak izango dira zuzendariekin—. Munduko beste bazter batzuetatik helduko dira Donostiara lehiatuko diren gainerako filmak: Monica Taboada-Tapiaren Alma del desierto (Kolonbia-Brasil); Susanne Rostocken Following Harry (AEB); Boris Lojkineren L'Histoire de Souleymane (Frantzia); Lidija Zelovicen Home Game (Herbehereak); The Agbajowo Collectiveren The Legend of the Vagabond Queen of Lagos (Nigeria-Alemania-Hegoafrika-AEB); Bogdan Mureşanuren Anul Nou care n-a fost / The New Year That Never Came (Errumania-Serbia); Ted Passonen Patrice: The Movie (AEB); Luciana Kaplanen Tratado de invisibilidad (Mexiko); eta Jiri Madlen Waves Vlny / Waves (Txekiako Errepublika-Eslovakia). Horietaz gain, bukaerako filma ez ezik, Camilo de Castro eta Brad Allgooden Patrullaje (Nikaragua-AEB) eta Carlos Castroren Éramos tan flacos ere (Argentina) emango dituzte sail berean, lehiaz kanpo. Film laburrei dagokienez, berriz, hamabi izenburu jaso dituzte Nazioarteko Film Laburren Sail Ofizialean —Brasil, Iran, Palestina, Espainia, Norvegia eta Italiako lanak daude tartean, besteak beste—, eta beste zortzi Euskal Film Laburren Sail Ofizialean. Azken horien artean, zazpi izango dira lehian: 16060 egun (Iñaki Alforja, Iban Toledo), Azkena (Ane Ines Landeta, Lorea Lyons), Capitanes (Kevin Castellano, Edu Hirschfeld), Errotatiba (Iratxe Fresneda), Gure oilarra kanpoan da (Carlota Galilea), Locas del ático (Tamara Garcia Iglesias), eta Patrimonio (Aitor Abio). Nagore Ezeizaren Zona Wao lehiaz kanpo erakutsiko dute. Hiru sail horietakoak ez ezik, Amnesty International Saria ere banatuko dute.
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Dünýäniň dürli regionlarynda we Türkmenistanda şu günki bolan we bolup duran soňky wakalar barada gysgaça habarlar.
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Dünýäniň dürli regionlarynda we Türkmenistanda şu günki bolan we bolup duran soňky wakalar barada gysgaça habarlar.
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Federal law prohibits anyone convicted of domestic violence from possessing firearms, but there is no Wisconsin law to match that rule. Advocates hope to change that soon.
Federal law prohibits anyone convicted of domestic violence from possessing firearms, but there is no Wisconsin law to match that rule. Advocates hope to change that soon.
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The master electrician’s goal is to ensure Milwaukee has safe electrical wiring and well-trained, high-quality electricians in the heart of the community.
The master electrician’s goal is to ensure Milwaukee has safe electrical wiring and well-trained, high-quality electricians in the heart of the community.
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PIERRE — Prosecutors played a recording Wednesday of a defendant allegedly confessing to the theft of $1.8 million from the state of South Dakota. “I stole some money,” Lonna Carroll said while audibly crying in the recording. Meanwhile, her defense attorney continued to say the state was negligent in its oversight and the case is […]
PIERRE — Prosecutors played a recording Wednesday of a defendant allegedly confessing to the theft of $1.8 million from the state of South Dakota. “I stole some money,” Lonna Carroll said while audibly crying in the recording. Meanwhile, her defense attorney continued to say the state was negligent in its oversight and the case is […]
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El joven atacante del Barçá recibe millones de elogios tras su gran demostración en el Metropolitano ante el Atlético de Madrid.
El joven atacante del Barçá recibe millones de elogios tras su gran demostración en el Metropolitano ante el Atlético de Madrid.
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Two Democratic candidates vying for the District 1 seat want the county to delay its budget approval until after the seat is filled. The post Supervisor Candidates Urge Delayed County Budget Vote appeared first on Voice of San Diego.
Two Democratic candidates vying for the District 1 seat want the county to delay its budget approval until after the seat is filled. The post Supervisor Candidates Urge Delayed County Budget Vote appeared first on Voice of San Diego.
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Proposé par le gouvernement, ce texte est le fruit d’un accord trouvé le 5 mars lors d’une rencontre entre le président Daniel Chapo et les dirigeants des trois partis d’opposition du pays. Cette loi propose des réformes structurelles pour éviter l’instabilité politique alors que le pays se remet tout juste de 4 mois de crise post-électorale qui a fait 360 victimes.
Proposé par le gouvernement, ce texte est le fruit d’un accord trouvé le 5 mars lors d’une rencontre entre le président Daniel Chapo et les dirigeants des trois partis d’opposition du pays. Cette loi propose des réformes structurelles pour éviter l’instabilité politique alors que le pays se remet tout juste de 4 mois de crise post-électorale qui a fait 360 victimes.
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A Missouri House member violated a state disclosure law by voting on an appropriation that helped his employer, according to a report approved unanimously on Wednesday by the House Ethics Committee. The committee, made up of five Republicans and five Democrats, was investigating a complaint against state Rep. Justin Sparks, a Republican from Wildwood, related […]
A Missouri House member violated a state disclosure law by voting on an appropriation that helped his employer, according to a report approved unanimously on Wednesday by the House Ethics Committee. The committee, made up of five Republicans and five Democrats, was investigating a complaint against state Rep. Justin Sparks, a Republican from Wildwood, related […]
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Les ministres des Affaires étrangères du Mali, du Niger et du Burkina Faso entament ce mercredi une visite à Moscou sur invitation de leur homologue russe Sergueï Lavrov. Cette rencontre dénommée « première session des consultations alliance des États du Sahel (AES) - Russie » ambitionne de renforcer les relations entre Moscou et ces trois pays dirigés par des putschistes.
Les ministres des Affaires étrangères du Mali, du Niger et du Burkina Faso entament ce mercredi une visite à Moscou sur invitation de leur homologue russe Sergueï Lavrov. Cette rencontre dénommée « première session des consultations alliance des États du Sahel (AES) - Russie » ambitionne de renforcer les relations entre Moscou et ces trois pays dirigés par des putschistes.
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A pesar de haber evitado la nueva ola de gravámenes de Trump, los productos que no estén protegidos por el T-MEC, como los automóviles y el acero, serán el blanco de la nueva política comercial de la Casa Blanca.
A pesar de haber evitado la nueva ola de gravámenes de Trump, los productos que no estén protegidos por el T-MEC, como los automóviles y el acero, serán el blanco de la nueva política comercial de la Casa Blanca.